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For the past two decades, Toronto has experienced an incredible transformation from a young emerging city into one of the world's leading, global financial competitors. Among its several distinguishing factors, Toronto's multicultural population is perhaps its most unique characteristic. With a widely pro-immigration sentiment, as well as high urban density levels, Toronto's cultural and racial heterogeneity has stimulated its economic vitality, growth, and sustainability. The built environment of Toronto also reflects the integrated, dynamic nature of the city, with most neighborhoods incorporating mixed-use spaces populated by a wide range of income level residents. The transportation system reinforces this unity, connecting the city's region through an extensive network.

While Toronto is a city with relatively low levels of ethnic tensions as compared to its Western contemporaries, the city has been significantly afflicted by evident racial and ethnic disparities related to sprawl, gated and enclosed communities, the “ghettoization” of minorities, and other neoliberal conditions. Despite the growing prevalence of gangs such as the 14K Triad and MS-13, Toronto has one of the lowest crime rates in North America and is thus recognized as one of the safest North American cities. Toronto is also recognized for having one of top-ranked educational systems in the world. Furthermore, the government structure of the metropolitan area has taken a unique, comprehensive approach to politics that reinforces the city's unification. Because of the collaboration of each of these societal elements, Toronto has evolved into a city that sees its diversity as a strength and a tool for success.

The purpose of this paper is to situate the idea that the City of Toronto is a leader on addressing issues of diversity, racism and democracy within the context of diversity discourse and the racial norms that are incited by it.

A genealogy and critical discourse analysis of City of Toronto documents from 1975 to 2017 involving consultations with racial Others on issues of diversity, race and/or racism was conducted.

The author shows how the specific racial norms that continue to make up diversity discourse as “truth” in the City of Toronto are reproduced through the commodification of racial Others and the re-framing of their racial claims, to re-generate the narrative of the diverse City of Toronto where all are welcome to participate and belong.

Implications for senses of place are discussed.

This paper adds critical depth to understanding increased participation of racialised communities as a mechanism for achieving socio-political change in government and non-government institutions. Initiated in a local context, the findings of this paper are intended to contribute to a global reservoir of critical knowledge on diversity, race, democracy, political participation and power.

The former municipality of Metropolitan Toronto was Canada’s largest government and a unique body. It was abolished on 31 December 1997 and a new unified City was ushered in on 1 January 1998. It consists of all the former municipalities of the Metropolitan Council and has reduced the former two‐tier system to a single tier. There was considerable opposition initially to the establishment of a unicity by local politicians and the citizenry at large. This has to be seen against a background of general opposition to some of the policy decisions of the Ontario Provincial Government at that particular point in time. Despite the opposition, legislation was enacted establishing the new City. The councillors initially elected in late 1997, the top management team of the Council and virtually all the residents have since accepted the decision on unification and have committed themselves to building the new City. The transition team appointed by the Province and the political and management component of Toronto have done considerable groundwork in developing the unified City to meet present and future challenges locally, regionally and internationally. The amalgamation of the municipalities has resulted in savings of $150 million resulting from inter alia, reduction of departments and divisions, staff, information technology systems, office space, consolidating of the corporate fleet and the City Service Boards. It should be noted that amalgamated programmes only constituted 27 per cent of the budget of the new City. However, coincidental with the amalgamation process was the implementation of the “Who Does What” policy introduced by the provincial government and the Council had to take on significant additional responsibilities. Provincial assistance was provided by way of a one‐off grant of $50 million and a $200 million loan. Consequently, any actual savings achieved initially will have to be viewed in this context.

The purpose of this paper is to explore the place branding dimensions of a city undergoing a concerted effort to build a distinctive brand for itself.

A qualitative, exploratory approach is adopted, applying the ICON model of place branding to the multistakeholder city branding strategy of Toronto. A combination of interviews, participant observation, content analysis and professional reflection inform the study.

Toronto’s emergence as a creative city with global standing has been achieved, in part, through a holistic and collaborative approach that is integrated, contextualized, organic and new.

Place and destination promoters are offered a practical application of the ICON model of place branding, informing future initiatives and offering insight into good practice.

Viewed through the lens of the ICON model, the paper provides insights into the collaborative and innovate practices that characterize effective city branding.

The purpose of this empirical case study is to study and explain the role of public leadership in the expansion of municipal climate action in Canada.

In 2017 and 2018, the authors conducted13 semi-directed interviews with municipal staff and elected officials from three municipalities, a documentary analysis of primary and secondary sources. Interviews and documentation collected were also coded using the software NVIVO 12. The authors compared three municipal case studies: the City of Toronto (Ontario), the City of Guelph (Ontario), and the Town of Bridgewater (Nova Scotia).

The authors found that leadership is a prominent factor explaining the expansion of municipal climate action in Canada. Municipal climate action is initiated and championed by an individual, elected officials or municipal staff, who lead and engage in the development of policy instruments to mitigate and/or adapt to climate change. These leaders facilitate the formulation and implementation of instruments, encourage a paradigm shift within the municipality, overcome structural and behavioural barriers, and foster collaboration around a common vision. Optimal municipal climate leadership occurs when the leadership of elected officials and municipal is congruent, though networks play a significant role by amplifying municipal sustainability leadership. They support staff and elected officials leadership within municipalities, provide more information and funding to grow the capacity of municipalities to develop instruments, to the point that conditions under which municipalities are driving climate action are changing.

This paper hopes to contribute to better understand under what conditions municipalities drive change.

There is an international scholarly recognition that municipalities should be further explored and considered important actors in the Canadian and international climate change governance. Gore (2010) and Robinson and Gore (2015) highlighted that we are yet to understand the extent to which municipalities are involved in climate governance in Canada. This article directly addresses this gap in the current scholarly literature and explores the expansion of climate municipal leadership with the aspects of interviews.

In the post-industrial economies of large urban centers, redevelopment has become the primary engine of economic growth. Redevelopment projects are designed to encourage investment, attract tourism and bring new residents to the city. This form of city building is driven by a neoliberal urban agenda that embraces privatization, and is controlled by the economic interests of private business. In this chapter, we argue that city building under a neoliberal rubric is also a gendered political process, the outcome of which is the redevelopment of urban space in ways that reflect a masculinist and corporatist view of city life. Moreover, both the form of redevelopment and the process itself function to limit public participation in the life and growth of cities, particularly for women and other marginalized groups. In the first section of this chapter, Gendered spaces of redevelopment, we examine how the results of such a process are made manifest in the built form of Canada's largest city, Toronto, with a population of 2.5 million. The city is experiencing a major process of redevelopment and city building that is evident in a massive wave of condominium construction. We suggest that condominium projects, as a particular form of redevelopment, create privatized spaces and encourage privatized services that articulate neatly with a neoliberal urban agenda.

The emergent Housing First model, focused on new means of rapid rehousing of the homeless, is popular in North America among policy makers and the mass media. Yet little has been written on the Housing First model's transferability to Canadian municipalities. This report documents, analyses and interprets Toronto's Streets to Homes (S2H) programme, using primary and secondary research including semi‐structured key informant interviews. The report concludes with a brief consideration of the article's implications for leadership.

The purpose of this paper is to describe the role that the University of Toronto has had in helping to establish a Regional Centre of Expertise (RCE) on Education for Sustainable Development in Toronto, Canada. The way in which the RCE initiative has helped to move forward the university's own five‐year plan will also be discussed.

The paper begins with a historical overview of the development of the Toronto RCE, acknowledging the diverse range of NGO, governmental and educational institutions that collaborate within this network. It then describes how the RCE initiative is helping to advance the objectives of the University of Toronto's own five‐year plan. Finally, the paper details how the University of Toronto has supported specific projects of the RCE, and where it hopes to help to lead the RCE into the next phase of its development.

In addition to presenting a case study of an RCE, the paper includes critical discussion of broader conceptual issues, such as how one might best interpret “interdisciplinarity” and community “outreach” in a university setting.

The UN University's RCE is, in itself, a highly original and valuable initiative. The paper describes one of these networks and its own, unique focus, while also drawing conclusions about how universities might more actively engage with community partners to advance environmental awareness.