Search results

This chapter uses the historian’s method of micro-history to rethink the significance of the Supreme Court decision Muller v. Oregon (1908). Muller is typically considered a labor law decision permitting the regulation of women’s work hours. However, this chapter argues that through particular attention to the specific context in which the labor dispute took place – the laundry industry in Portland, Oregon – the Muller decision and underlying conflict should be understood as not only about sex-based labor rights but also about how the labor of laundry specifically involved race-based discrimination. This chapter investigates the most important conflicts behind the Muller decision, namely the entangled histories of white laundresses’ labor and labor activism in Portland, as well as the labor of their competitors – Chinese laundrymen. In so doing, this chapter offers an intersectional reading of Muller that incorporates regulations on Chinese laundries and places the decision in conversation with a long line of anti-Chinese laundry legislation on the West Coast, including that at issue in Yick Wo v. Hopkins (1886).

The purpose of this paper is to investigate recent labor unrest in China's automobile industry and the implications for the debate on the future of the country's labor relations and cost competitiveness.

Using data between 1999 and 2007, the authors examine how differences in work organizations in China, Germany, Japan and the USA affect wages in the automobile industry.

It is found that market forces play a more prominent role in Germany and the USA than in China and Japan and the difference is attributed to cultural, economic, political, and regulatory factors in each country.

This paper is one of the first that uses systematic data to conduct comparative analysis of labor relations in the automobile industry.

The purpose of this study is to investigate union effects on wages, employment, and productivity in China. The relationships between unionization and these three economic variables are first tested at the national level and then examined in the eastern, central, and western regions, respectively.

Provincial-level panel data from 1994 to 2014 are used in this study, compiled from various Chinese Statistics Year Books, and covering 29 provinces. The Ordinary Least Square is firstly employed to examine union impacts. Then, in view of the endogeneity of unionization, the Two-Stage Least Square estimation with instrument variables is adopted to reexamine union effects. Overidentification tests are conducted, verifying the validity of these instruments.

At the national level, Chinese unions have significantly positive effects on wages but no significant effect on employment and productivity. In the eastern region, unions are significantly related to increased employment. In the western region, union activity not only significantly promotes wages but also improves productivity. In the central region, unionization has no significant impact. These findings suggest that equipping Chinese unions with a collective and cooperative face can generally help them improve workers' interests. Their effectiveness varies across the three economic regions.

Compared with the survey data conducted in certain cities and industries, the provincial-level panel data used in this article have the advantage of capturing the overall effects of unionization. An instrument variable method is used to address the endogeneity issue. After exploring union effects at the national level, this paper focuses on observing the differences in union roles in three economic regions.

This paper aims to examine whether labour unions influence labour conflicts and this mechanism is different in China compared with other countries.

This paper uses the data from the China Employer–Employee Survey that interviewed 1,208 firms and 10,087 workers in 2016 as the measurement of variables, and it uses Logit regression model to do the empirical research.

Unions cannot significantly influence labour conflicts. More active unions and unions whose leaders are appointed by the firms’ management are associated with a higher incidence of labour conflicts.

This paper finds a new mechanism that explains the relationship between unions and labour conflicts. The existing literature states that unions may increase labour conflicts via “monopoly power” and may also mitigate labour conflicts via “voice mechanisms”. This paper’s findings show that the positive correlation between unions and labour conflicts may be explained by the lack of “voice mechanism” rather than “monopoly power”. The findings imply that labour unions should represent the interest of workers to mitigate the increasing labour conflicts.

China has, apparently, more trade union members than the rest of the world put together, but the unions are subservient to the Party-state. The theme of the paper is the gap between rhetoric and reality. Issues analysed include union structure, membership, representation, and the interaction between unions and the Party-state. We suggest that Chinese unions inhabit an Alice in Wonderland dream world and that they are virtually impotent when it comes to representing workers. Because the Party-state recognises that such frailty may lead to instability it has passed new laws promoting collective contracts and established new tripartite institutions to mediate and arbitrate disputes. While such laws are welcome they are largely hollow: collective contracts are very different from collective bargaining and the incidence of cases dealt with by the tripartite institutions is tiny. Much supporting evidence is presented drawing on detailed case studies undertaken in Hainan Province (the largest and one of the oldest special economic zones) in 2004 and 2005. The need for more effective representation is appreciated by some All China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU) officials, but it seems a long way off, so unions in China will continue to echo the White Queen: “The rule is, jam tomorrow and jam yesterday – but never jam today” and, alas, tomorrow never comes.

The purpose of this paper is to offer empirical evidence on whether and how the work experiences of employees in China influence their union-related attitudes and behaviours.

The authors developed a mediated moderation model to examine how job satisfaction and labour relations climate interactively affect union participation and whether union commitment mediates the interactive effects. A total of 585 employees from enterprises in Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Anhui, Jiangxi and Fujian province of China were surveyed to verify the model.

Job satisfaction was negatively related to union participation and union commitment. Labour relations climate moderated the relationship between job satisfaction and union participation; the relationship was negative and stronger when employees perceived an adverse, rather than a favourable, labour relations climate. Further, the interactive effect of job satisfaction and labour relations climate on union participation was partly mediated by union commitment.

By empirically examining employees’ attitudes and behaviours towards unions in the Chinese context, this study confirms that unions could provide employees with alternative work resources to cope with job dissatisfaction, even in a country where unions play a “transmission belt” role between employees and employers. This study adds value to the existing base of knowledge on union practice and labour relations construction, both inside and outside of China.

The purpose of this paper is to draw on triadic reciprocal determinism and social exchange theory to examine how “induced-type” and “compulsory-type” union participation influence union commitment and job involvement, and how union participation in the west differs from that in China. It also examines whether the role of both organizational justice and employee participation climate (EPC) functions in the Chinese context.

Cross-sectional data are collected from 694 employees in 46 non-publicly owned enterprises, both Chinese and foreign, in the Pearl River Delta region of China. A multi-level moderated mediation test is used to examine the model of this research.

Union participation is positively related to organizational justice, union commitment and job involvement. In addition, organizational justice acts as the mediator among union participation, union commitment and job involvement. Specifically, the mediating role of organizational justice between union participation and union commitment, and between union participation and job involvement, is stronger in high-EPC contexts than low-EPC contexts.

Instead of examining the impacts of attitudes on union participation, as per most studies in the western context, this research examines the impacts of union participation in the Chinese context on attitudes, including union commitment and job involvement. It also reveals the role of both organizational justice and EPC in the process through which union participation influences union commitment and job involvement.

This article aims to study unionisation of foreign companies in China and to evaluate its effectiveness on representing labour rights and interests, so as to explore the relationships between the Chinese unions and other industrial relations actors.

The article is based on in‐depth interview of key stakeholders from national, regional and company trade unions, as well as company management personnel. An archive study of union and company files is also conducted.

The Chinese trade union has realised that its interests stem from both the increase of membership dues and expansion of the membership base. Unionisation in transnational corporations (TNCs) is a key approach to achieve the interests of the union, which conducts grassroots mobilisation to counteract non‐operative companies but turns a blind eye on labour interest violations in collaborative firms. From the aspect of the union, the effectiveness of unionisation depends on raising its power leverage by affording fewer duties for the workers. Labour rights and workers' demands are not the structural concern of unionisation in TNCs.

The article challenges the research framework about Chinese unionism, which mainly emphasises a state‐union relationship or draws a corporatism perspective. The article concludes that the power relationship between the union and firm has acted as the key theme of the power struggle among industrial relations actors of China.

The purpose of this paper is to study the changing perspectives of Chinese trade unions towards labour rights and interest, through exploring the nature of Chinese trade unions from the aspect of shop stewards, or enterprise union cadres. These opinions can explain the nature and orientation of unions towards representation and rights protection for workers.

This paper is based on a survey of 1,811 enterprise union chairpersons, which is analysed by variable interaction analysis through statistical package for social sciences.

Enterprise trade unions have realised the importance of labour representation and are willing to undertake actions for labour rights and interests in the companies. Enterprise union cadres tend to change the union for more autonomy and effectiveness in safeguarding collective labour rights at the workplaces. The enterprise union chairpersons have been learning how to use this multiple role of the Chinese trade union for pursuing the rights and interests of their own members. However, for shop stewards, it is essential for their unions to focus on inside‐company issues, rather than allocating energy or attention to outside issues, which are the duty of upper‐level unions.

Over half of the survey, companies are either state‐owned enterprises or small‐ and medium‐sized enterprises. This undermines the credibility of this research for explaining the situation in all kinds of companies in China. Meanwhile, the survey collects opinions and judgements from the enterprise union chairpersons, while ignoring those of the company managers and workers. This biased perception can then only present the minds and behaviour orientations of the union at the enterprise level.

This paper offers a pioneer study on shop stewards in the Chinese workplace through a large sample survey.

Drawing its arguments and conclusion from a ten-year survey on workers’ experiences of labour disputes, along with anticipation of trade union reform, the purpose of this paper is to discuss the interaction between labour resistance and its potential for institutional change in the field of labour relations in China.

This paper uses a longitudinal cohort study carried out between 2006 and 2015. The survey was conducted every two years, specifically in 2006, 2008, 2011, 2013 and 2015, in Guangdong Province, China. Questionnaire and interview methods were used; 2,166 valid sample questionnaires were collected, and 215 interviews were carried out over the research period.

An increase in collectivized disputes in China has given rise to an escalation of labour action, characterized by wildcat strikes. Joint action has strengthened the bonds among work colleagues, and it has become more important for workers to pay attention to their rights and interests. In terms of organization, two viewpoints towards union reform were revealed: the pragmatist and the idealist perspectives. Workers with greater experience of resistance were more modest in terms of demands for union reform, while workers with some experience called for their union’s independence from the party-state.

The data contained industry bias, as too many respondents were from electronics-manufacturing and textile and apparel plants.

This paper is original, and increases awareness of the development of the labour movement in China.