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The presence of child labour in the world and Turkey is an undeniable social fact. There are various regulations regarding the protection of children both in international documents and in our national legislation. However, in the context of the street economy, some legal regulations, especially the occupational health and safety of children working on the street, remain incapable in terms of implementation. In this study, child labour regulations of various international organisations, including the International Labor Organization relating to child labour will be examined first, and then the existing regulations on child labour in Turkey in our working legislation will be analysed and explained. A number of actions that children working on the street who are street vendors tend to take, such as shining shoes, selling handkerchiefs, and begging, will be discussed in detail and the legal dimension will be examined. In addition, some legal changes will be addressed, such as the lack of a uniform regulation on the minimum working age and the confusion of child labour and child labour concepts. Finally, in the pandemic process that affects the whole world, the measures that are thought to be useful in terms of protecting children working on the street from the COVID-19 epidemic will be tried to be explained in the context of occupational health and safety law.

This chapter examines a development of the Social and Emotional Aspects of Learning (SEAL) material into a programme designed to empower schools to work in partnership with parents to help children and young people to be happy and successful in school. It provides evidence to suggest that the programme called Family Works has a significant impact on children's learning and consequently their attainment. There is also evidence that children's behaviour improves across all contexts and that there are positive gains in the development of social and emotional skills of the children engaged in the programme. Aspects of the programme are described in action within primary schools.

This research aims to explore childhood construction in the Afghan refugee community living in Pakistan. Young Afghan people aged 12–18 who were working on the streets participated in the generation of data for this study in 2019. Ethnographic research approaches with semi-structured in-depth interviews and field observations were used to obtain real insights. Young Afghan refugees have been a constant phenomenon on the streets for decades in the twin cities of Pakistan – Rawalpindi and Islamabad – where this research was conducted and are involved in different street-based casual activities. The findings show that young people face discrimination and exclusion from the mainstream of society due to their undefined citizenship status and poverty. Parents see their children as dependents and as assets for their old age, and children and young people need to work to support their families who live in poverty. In fulfilling their filial responsibilities, young people sacrifice their schooling and have limited opportunities to learn new skills. It is concluded that the government and other international institutions with responsibility for setting policies and creating programs for young Afghan refugees need to understand the dynamics of the families in which the young people live and how these families inculcate them with their generational values.

Few of the world’s social ills arouse such unified opposition as child labor. When we learn that children are sewing soccer balls instead of studying, we are appalled. We shudder when we learn that children are sold into indentured servitude to knot rugs for 10-to-14 hour days in poorly lit workshops. International media attention is sparked when sweatshops are exposed that use children to make clothing for The Gap or shoes for Nike. In general, our understanding of this social problem has been clouded by moral outrage and the consequent clandestine nature of child labor. This partly explains the dearth of effective strategies to end child labor. While there is increasing support to end child labor, there is no consensus on how or where to focus our resources. This research provides a window on what child labor means for children and their households so that we may better understand some alternatives to it.

In the early period of human history, when neither classical slavery nor wage slavery existed, all individuals forming a community, nuclear or extended family, contributed according to their abilities and powers to the satisfaction of the vital needs of the group. The male workers are the first group of people who work for wages, the second are the female workers who are employed less than the male workers and the third is the group of child workers who are the cheapest of all. Child labour in the street economy is the smallest unit of society which has been used for centuries to meet the vital needs of the family. This use of child labour takes the form of unpaid domestic labour in micro-enterprises such as agriculture, business administration and handicrafts, which can be seen as an example of a closed economy. The work of a girl helping her mother with the housework, the work of a boy helping his father in the vineyard and gardening and the work of a child helping the family in the grocery shop or working for a carpenter are valued in this framework. In addition, to earn direct additional financial income, apprenticeship for pay, work in a workshop, helping with daily house cleaning and child labour in the form of a daily wage are defined as child labour. In addition, to earn their own pocket money, contribute to the family budget or meet school expenses, peddling, shining shoes and selling the family's vineyard and garden produce on the street and in squares in their own name and for their own account are classified as child labour in the street economy. This study is a literature review on child labour in the street economy with national and global examples.

How much work is “too much” for children aged 10–14 in Egypt? Our narrow focus here is on “work that does not interfere with school attendance.” For girls, work includes time spent in household chores and subsistence activities. We estimate simultaneous hours of work and school attendance equations as a joint Tobit and Probit model, then conduct simulations. Substantial negative effects on attendance are observed above about 10 hours per week (girls) and 14 hours (boys). For girls, heavy household work appears causal, but for boys, it seems that poor schooling leads to boys' dropout, then subsequent work.

Conditional cash transfer (CCT) programs have become widespread in poor countries as a way to alleviate current poverty and provide investments in human capital that improve families’ living conditions in the long-term. The first goal is accomplished when poor families receive money from governments on a monthly basis. The second goal is reached by conditioning the cash transfers on certain behaviors such as children's regular school attendance. However, these programs may also have impacts on time use decisions within beneficiary households, particularly with respect to time spent working. Using data from 2003, we measure the impact of the Brazilian Bolsa Escola CCT program on children's and parents’ labor status using the econometric framework of policy evaluation. Probit regressions and propensity score-matching methods show that this program reduces the probability of work for children aged 6–15, increases school enrollment, and increases mother and father participation in the labor force.

Most of the empirical literature on child labor considers work per se, independent of the nature or extent of work. This study fills this void by examining child work that directly conflicts with the schooling of children in Ghana. It finds evidence of a cultural bias in the way questions regarding working status are perceived. Additionally, the study addresses shortcomings of the empirical analyses of previous studies related to collapsibility, spatial heterogeneity and specification testing. While a substantial share of children who work rather than attend school are forced away from schooling by poverty, an alarmingly high share report that school is “useless” or “uninteresting.” This should be of concern to policymakers. Eradicating poverty is not enough to “send children back to school” – norms, traditions, and perceptions must be changed, as well.

This chapter uses micro data from the Brazilian Pesquisa Nacional Por Amostra de Domicílios (PNAD) between 1981 and 2002 to ascertain the role that local labor demand – proxied by male adult employment in the area of residence – plays in shaping the work and schooling decisions of children aged 10–15 years. We find that child work is on average procyclical, while school enrollment is essentially unaffected by local labor market conditions: As local labor demand conditions improve, children are more likely to combine work with school and are less likely to be inactive. One exception is young urban boys with older brothers: These children experience a fall in employment when local labor demand is stronger. This result is consistent with older children subsidizing younger siblings’ schooling and play time.