How the Chinese Nationalist Government tried to use co‐operativesas a socio‐economic instrument in mainland China (1928‐1949) but metwith little success is discussed. The…
How the Chinese Nationalist Government tried to use co‐operatives as a socio‐economic instrument in mainland China (1928‐1949) but met with little success is discussed. The historical background of the Chinese co‐operative movement is presented, the structure and quality of different types of co‐operatives examined, the performance of co‐operatives and the benefits of being a co‐operator evaluated and the characteristics and problems of this system considered.
Beef taboo was generally obeyed among Chinese but it is no longer significant in today’s Taiwan where large amounts of beef are imported from Australia and United States. So is the beef taboo in Chinese society culturally binding? Argues that the rise of this taboo was mainly a result of food constraint, and its fall is a result of food abundance. A notion of “rice/beef competition for land” is advanced to explain this mechanism.
To review one of the earliest Chinese debates on socialism, highlighting the consequent changes in outlook by Sun Yat‐sen and Liang Qichao; and to demonstrate the…
To review one of the earliest Chinese debates on socialism, highlighting the consequent changes in outlook by Sun Yat‐sen and Liang Qichao; and to demonstrate the influence of Western economic writers especially Richard T. Ely, Henry George, and German Bismarckian socialists.
Textual analysis of original Chinese‐language materials with extensive direct quotations (in translation).
Sun initially gave primary attention to land policy, using a (somewhat inconsistent) combination of George's “single tax” and a very different idea of land nationalization. As a result of the debate, however, Sun gave more attention to economic growth, capital formation, and import restriction. Liang initially favored Bismarckian socialism, but moved during the debate to increasing skepticism about a major economic role for government, recognizing the need for entrepreneurship and capital formation.
Existing literature fails to perceive the radical shifts in viewpoint which developed for both Sun and Liang. This is particularly important for Sun, whose later ideas had a major influence on Chinese economic policy after 1927.
The purpose of this paper is to assess critically the political challenges facing Hong Kong’s “one country, two systems” policy following the Umbrella Movement and to…
The purpose of this paper is to assess critically the political challenges facing Hong Kong’s “one country, two systems” policy following the Umbrella Movement and to evaluate the territory’s democratic and autonomous future.
A critical, contextual, and analytical approach has been adopted to evaluate the problems and prospects for post-Umbrella Movement Hong Kong.
The contradictions embedded in the “one country, two systems” policy have become apparent since the Umbrella Movement arose and Hong Kong’s political and democratic future is as problematic as its prospects are uncertain, though the possibility of some rapprochement between Hong Kong and Beijing should not be ruled out completely.
The critical evaluation offered by this paper is no scientific prediction. Social scientific analysis of this kind is suggestive rather than definitive. The informed discussion offered by this paper will help readers to better understand the strengths and weaknesses inherent in Beijing’s “one country, two systems” policy and the tortuous process of democratization in Hong Kong. The conclusion drawn in the paper points to a possible way out of the political impasse that is facing post-Umbrella Movement Hong Kong.
This paper is a pioneering study of the most important political conflict between Beijing and Hong Kong since 1997, the conclusion of which may have important political and policy implications for both China and Hong Kong.