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The purpose of this paper is to conduct a brief survey on the Catholic Church in Taiwan since its establishment by the Spanish missionaries in 1662 until today on its internal development and external relationship with the government. It is interesting to discover that, mostly, the Church has a harmonious relationship with the government, except a very few cases in which its foreign missionaries following the social teaching of the Church antagonize the government. However, it does not affect the close relationship between the Church and government in Taiwan.

It is a qualitative research on archive and books to research on the events of the Catholic Church in Taiwan in the discipline of social sciences. Historical research is in the majority of events.

The finding is acceptable because it is one of the few writings on the Catholic Church in Taiwan when writing on the Protestant Churches in Taiwan is flooding.

This is a ground-breaking work with academic value.

Explores the possibility and probability of a Catholic‐Evangelical alliance within the US social arena. Notes the numerical strength and systemic importance of each tradition. Examines the histories, tenets, politics, economic teachings and lifestyles of the two respective orientations. Cites their legacy of mutual hostility as well as the more recent ecumenical ventures. Focuses on the relevancy of the Vatican II Council to their dialogue and enumerates their contemporary differences and similarities. Concludes optimistically that theology and politics have forged stranger coalitions.

This chapter argues that feminist inquiries and activism must be pursued considering women’s marginalized position within a religious institution in Canada in the 21st century. Drawing on Canadian Catholic nuns’ unique accounts of their experiences with the Roman Catholic Church, this chapter brings nuance to the complicated power dynamics navigated by women religious to show how women remain excluded and exploited in various ways in their own religious institutions. We point to the institutionalized Roman Catholic Church’s long-standing control over women’s reproductive rights, as well as its ongoing prohibition and recent criminalization of women’s ordination. We also address recent structural dynamics at play by drawing attention to a recent Vatican investigation and ongoing surveillance of women religious in North America under newly established church doctrine. We view these recent tactics as evidence of the Vatican’s renewed commitment to existing gender hierarchies within the Church. Feminist intervention is especially important considering this deepening patriarchal power and how, by extension, the church is regressing rather than progressing towards gender equality, even while it shows evidence of shifting attitudes on other social issues. This chapter also underscores the implications of a global religious institution for women in Canada.

To the Most Rev. M.A. Corrigan, Archbishop of New York:

Scholars have long argued that churches play a critical role in mobilizing communities marginal to the political process, primarily by pooling resources, disseminating information, and providing opportunities for members to develop community networks, leadership, and civic skills. However, recent research suggests that churches only serve as effective mobilizing institutions when they engage in direct political discussion and recruitment. Even so, churches may face economic, legal, and institutional barriers to entering the political sphere, and explicit political speech and action remain rare. Through an analysis of two years of ethnographic fieldwork following faith-based community organizers attempting to recruit Spanish speakers throughout a Catholic Archdiocese into a campaign for immigrant rights, this paper explores the institutional constraints on church political mobilization, and how these are overcome to mobilize one of the most politically marginal groups in the United States today: Hispanic undocumented immigrants and their allies. I argue that scholars of political engagement must look beyond the structural features of organizations to consider the effects of their institutionalized domains and practices. While churches do face institutional barriers to political mobilization, activists who specialize their recruitment strategy to match the institutional practices of the organizations they target can effectively overcome these barriers to mobilize politically alienated populations.

Uses Voter Research and Survey General Exit Polls to compare the political orientation of Catholics and Evangelicals. Since aggregates reveal, but also conceal, the data are disaggregated by race‐ethnicity (white and non‐white) and church attendance (weekly attenders and non‐weekly attenders). Shows that a majority of all voters and all three religious groups are white (85 per cent or more); about 40 per cent of all voters attend religious services at least once a week (48 per cent for Catholics, 46 per cent for Protestants, and a striking 74 per cent for Evangelicals). Catholics were a solid Democratic vote at the presidential level from 1932 to 1976, but defected to the Republicans in 1980, 1984, 1988. Shows that they were plurality Democrats in the three‐way presidential contest of 1992, although white Catholics and weekly church attenders were slightly less Democratic than non‐whites and non‐weekly church attenders. Catholics were solidly Democratic in House elections from 1932 to 1992. Thus, the 1994 results were somewhat shocking as Republicans captured 52 per cent of the Catholic vote, with an even higher 55 per cent among white Catholics. Evangelicals have been Republican in both presidential and House races since data have been collected from 1980. Underscores that non‐white and weak church‐attending Evangelicals voted Democratic, although the overall evangelical vote was 59 per cent Republican. In 1994, the evangelical vote was 20 per cent of the total vote and it registered its highest Republican percentage ever (75 per cent).

Microfoundations of institutions are central to constructing place – the interplay of location, meaning, and material form. Since only a few institutional studies bring materiality to the fore to examine the processes of place-making, how material forms interact with people to institutionalize or de-institutionalize the meaning of place remains a black box. Through an inductive and historical study of Boston’s North End neighborhood, the authors show how material practices shaped place-making and institutionalized, or de-institutionalized, the meaning of the North End. When material practices symbolically encoded meanings of diverse audiences into the church, it created resonance and enabled the building’s meanings to withstand environmental change and become institutionalized as part of the North End’s meaning as a place. In contrast, when the material practices restricted meaning to a specific audience, it limited resonance when the environment changed, was more likely to be demolished and, thus, erased rather than institutionalized into the meaning of the North End as a place.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between pastoral servant leadership and Church volunteer's perceptions of workplace spirituality, affective commitment, and organizational citizenship behavior in the context of the Catholic Church.

An online survey was administered to 200 volunteer staff in a Catholic diocese located in the Northeastern US. 123 participants responded, for a 61.5% response rate.

A significant positive relationship was found between volunteer staff perceptions of pastoral servant leadership and their workplace spirituality as well as affective commitment. No relationship was found between servant leadership and organizational citizenship behavior.

This is one of the first studies to examine servant leadership within the US Catholic Church. Findings add value to the literature on servant leadership and its importance to volunteerism, and in particular the positive benefits of servant leadership for staff volunteers in a Church environment.