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A traceability system is a key success factor in global food trade, but implementing it in vegetable oil industry is one of the most difficult undertakings in food supply chain management. This study aims to (1) identify typical operational barriers in the implementation of bulk-liquid traceability system in the Indonesian vegetable oil industry by considering the perspective of experts and (2) model the relationship between the barriers structurally in order to improve the reliability of the traceability system.

To do so, data from in-depth interviews with experts were examined by using content analysis. Then the authors used a combination of decision-making trial and evaluation laboratory (DEMATEL), interpretive structural modelling (ISM) and matrice d'impacts croisés multiplication appliqué un classement (MICMAC) to construct the hierarchical model and to cluster the typical barriers based on their driving power and dependence power.

In total, 20 typical traceability barriers along the internal chain (supplier-input-process-output-customer) were identified. The interrelationships between these barriers were modeled in a hierarchical structure, seeking to answer why it is difficult to implement a traceability system and what actions should be taken to remove these barriers.

The model can shed light on how to manage barriers in bulk-liquid food commodity industry, especially in the vegetable oil industry. An action map has been proposed to overcome the operational barriers. This model will also help tracing the critical points of the traceability system.

Compared to other food commodities, operational barriers in vegetable oil chain has never been studied specifically. In fact, there are many operational aspects that hinder traceability. The Indonesian context entails social, economic and environmental factors as well, so it can inform decision-makers in formulating an action map.

Describes a study to measure the quality of service provided by food‐poisoning surveillance agencies in England and Wales in terms of the requirements of a representative consumer ‐ the egg producing industry ‐ adopting “egg associated” outbreak investigation reports as the reference output. Defines and makes use of four primary performance indicators: accessibility of information; completeness of evidence supplied in food‐poisoning outbreak investigation reports as to the sources of infection in “egg‐associated” outbreaks; timeliness of information published; and utility of information and advice aimed at preventing or controlling food poisoning. Finds that quality expectations in each parameter measured are not met. Examines reasons why surveillance agencies have not delivered the quality demanded. Makes use of detailed case studies to illustrate inadequacies of current practice. Attributes failure to deliver “accessibility” to a lack of recognition on the status or nature of “consumers”, combined with a self‐maintenance motivation of the part of the surveillance agencies. Finds that failures to deliver “completeness” and “utility” may result from the same defects which give rise to the lack of “accessibility” in that, failing to recognize the consumers of a public service for what they are, the agencies feel no need to provide them with the data they require. The research indicates that self‐maintenance by scientific epidemiologists may introduce biases which when combined with a politically inspired need to transfer responsibility for food‐poisoning outbreaks, skew the conduct of investigations and their conclusions. Contends that this is compounded by serious and multiple inadequacies in the conduct of investigations, arising at least in part from the lack of training and relative inexperience of investigators, the whole conditioned by interdisciplinary rivalry between the professional groups staffing the different agencies. Finds that in addition failures to exploit or develop epidemiological technologies has affected the ability of investigators to resolve the uncertainties identified. Makes recommendations directed at improving the performance of the surveillance agencies which, if adopted will substantially enhance food poisoning control efforts.

Few regret the passing of an old year, with its darkening days and cold nights, its message fading as the voice weakens. A new year always looks more attractive with hopes of better things to come, but an occasional look back over one's shoulder, as it were, is seldom completely without profit, for experience can sometimes be more potent than hope. 1968 seemed to have more than its share of uncertainties, tragedies and disasters, in this country and in the world at large. An unsure economic state, to say nothing of monetary confusion, was reflected in every field of industry and public administration, but in the field of food quality and purity control, steady progress towards a comprehensive system of food standards, of hygiene and of food additive control was maintained. In fact, the year may be seen as not an entirely unfruitful one, with one or two events which may well prove to be landmarks.

Haulage contractors are always looking for ways of improving efficiency and reducing costs. These usually rely on better management practices. Computers are now an almost essential management tool and it would be reasonable to suggest that truck operators should be heavy users of computer software. There seems to be a considerable amount of software available to them, but it has been suggested that this is not widely used. To see if this is true a survey of the trucking industry was done in Alberta, Canada. This survey showed an unexpectedly low use of computers, with a preference for general business software rather than specialised packages designed for truckers. Operators often suggested their use of computers was limited by a shortage of adequate software. Overcoming this shortage could offer considerable benefits to both the trucking industry and software suppliers.

At the passing of the Fair Trading Act, 1973, and the setting up of a Consumer Protection Service with an Office of Fair Trading under a Director‐General, few could have visualized this comprehensive machinery devised to protect the mainly economic interests of consumers could be used to further the efforts of local enforcement officers and authorities in the field of purity and quality control of food and of food hygiene in particular. This, however, is precisely the effect of a recent initiative under Sect. 34 of the Act, reported elsewhere in the BFJ, taken by the Director‐General in securing from a company operating a large group of restaurants a written undertaking, as prescribed by the Section, that it would improve its standards of hygiene; the company had ten convictions for hygiene contraventions over a period of six years.

Most countries seek to impose control on the chemical treatment of both human and animal food. Some, such as the U.S.A., attempt it by highly detailed regulations, in terms most orthodox and almost psychically specific, which seem most complicated compared with our own simplified food ordinances; other countries, such as many of the newer states, treading cautiously in their virgin fields of law‐making, pass broad, enabling laws, leaving details to be filled in later. Although the object is the same in all countries, it is nothing short of amazing how the pattern of legislation manages to be so divergent, and applied for reasons that are not always apparent. In published regulations and laws, there would seem to be less intent on making a country's food exports conform to the legislative requirements of importing countries than in prescribing standards for its home products; the end results have produced food law chaos, rarely seen in other branches of law. A notable exception, the only one, to these irregular developments, and with particular reference to food additive control, are the common decrees and directives of the European Economic Community, representing the six Common Market countries. Its Council prescribes quality standards for individual foods, specific purity standards for preservatives and other additives which may be used for human consumption, and although this standardisation is only beginning, it deserves study, especially the manner in which the community regulations are enforced.

Memories of Christmas, inevitable overeating and the discomfort of satiation have sufficiently receded to be able to discuss briefly that occasional concomitant of food, mentioned discreetly, usually behind hand to mouth and then only to close intimates—indigestion! It may accompany only certain foods, or if one has attained its crown of martyrdom, most foods, but before coming to our purpose in mentioning the subject at all, we would sound a few words of caution against blindly accepting all statistical evaluations which appear to confirm logically unacceptable viewpoints, which bestow success to improbabilities and simplicity to imponderables and unaccountably obtain superior results from placebo treatment, or in other words, confirm the therapeutic value of doing nothing! There are probably fallacies in these statistical efforts, but the ordinary down‐to‐earth individual cannot detect them. Perhaps it needs on the setting‐a‐thief‐to‐catch‐a‐thief principle, another statistician to find them.

During and immediately after the Second World War salmonellosis first emerged as a public health problem in Britain, having been introduced primarily via contaminated batches of dried egg from the USA. Surveys of broiler carcasses at retail outlets and hospitals have shown salmonella contamination rates varying between 45 and 80 per cent. To what extent the legislative control measures introduced during 1989 requiring the testing and slaughter of infected laying and breeding poultry flocks, more frequent inspection of protein processing plants, along with other veterinary measures, will be effective in controlling salmonellosis and other foodborne infections in Britain, remains to be seen. In 1989 the government also announced its intention to introduce legislation which will legalise the use of irradiation of certain foods, including poultry, the cost‐effectiveness of which as a public health measure has been demonstrated.

As well as the relatively large number of cases of typhoid fever resulting from the Zermatt outbreak, the last few months have seen several outbreaks of both typhoid and paratyphoid in different parts of the country, all having food as the suspected or proven vehicle, except perhaps for the most recent South Shields out‐break, where as yet the source has not been traced, although canned meat is suspected. In small outbreaks it is rarely easy to quickly pin‐point the food vehicle; usually none of the infected food remains; it takes time to confirm clinical diagnoses by bacteriological exam‐ination of sera, faeces, etc., and frequently a food is implicated only by suspicion, although usually based upon good circumstantial evidence.