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The purpose of this paper is to present reflections on the contradictions between structure and agency in theories of the Bolivian Revolution, 2000-2005. Most studies into the trajectory and outcomes of the revolutionary period in Bolivia between 2000 and 2005 tend to emphasise on the primary role of structural factors or social movements in shifting the terrain of political debate. This paper argues this represents a false dichotomy and discounts the value of this debate. In doing so, it seeks to highlight the need for research that focuses on the role of institutional variables that mediate between structure and agency.

The paper uses theories of the Bolivian Revolution, which occurred between 2000 and 2005, to highlight the way theory shapes – and is shaped by – the political organisations that espouse it. This constructivist thesis is applied to conceptions of neoliberalism and Katarismo, an ideology of indigenous liberation, based in Andean-Aymara history. The intellectual and political projects of each approach are demarcated. Theories that privilege either the intellectual project or political project in their narrative of the Bolivian Revolution are then queried.

As a consequence of this analysis, the paper concludes by emphasizing the need for political organisation and theory to be considered dialectically along the lines of Gogol (2012). It argues that further research into institutions is required to appreciate why some post-neoliberal projects flourish while others fragment.

The paper proposes a modified understanding of the interplay between structure and agency in conceptions of the Bolivian Revolution (2000-2005) and suggests an original approach to resolving the underlying questions that motivate these debates.

The aim of this paper is to consider the role of mass mobilisations against international business in Bolivia and analyse their wider implications for the structure of the state, relating this to recent studies looking at the scope of resistance to international business.

The analysis draws from a series of formal interviews with key political actors in Bolivia which were part of a wider ethnographic study exploring the emergence of the new hegemonic bloc in the country. The narrative is framed using the discourse theory of Laclau, and the methodology inspired by Bourdieu's understanding of social ethnography.

The paper finds that the uprisings against international business in Cochabamba in 2000 and El Alto in 2003 were pivotal in developing a wider critical consciousness to oppose neoliberalism in Bolivia. Subsequently, these social movements constructed a new identity as the “people” and implemented a more radical form of democracy.

The time period studied is such that it was impossible to assess whether or not this counter‐hegemonic movement has established a hegemonic bloc that has the potential to filter out into international resistance movements against business.

The paper offers a range of insights that may be useful to social movements concerned with constructing national and international struggles against capitalism and/or neoliberalism.

As far as is known, this is one of the first papers to outline how civil society resistance to international business can lead to wholesale shifts in the balance of power within a nation state and the construction of a substantively new political order.

This chapter explores how scholars have conceptualized the relationship between Latin American populism and democracy. It analyzes different approaches to populism such as modernization and dependency theory, and current approaches that focus on discourse analysis and/or political strategies. The chapter focuses on the current wave of radical populism to explore the continuities and differences between “classical” populism of leaders such as Juan Perón, the “neopopulism” of Alberto Fujimori, and the radical populism of Hugo Chávez, Evo Morales, and Rafael Correa.

Race has played a central role in state-building in Latin America. This chapter foregrounds the role of transnational racialization politics in bureaucratic development in the region in the late nineteenth century. Analyzing the transformation of the Bolivian diplomatic bureaucracy following the War of the Pacific (1879–1884), I argue that the circulation in Europe and the Americas of racial discourses on Bolivia that cast doubt on its place among the concert of civilized nations motivated its reform and expansion. This study suggests that, given the potential costs of transnational racialization threats, states across the region developed agencies and practices that expanded their capacity to manage their racialized national images among international audiences. Against the threat of racialized imperialism and colonialism, Bolivian liberal reformers envisioned a diplomatic bureaucracy capable of negotiating Bolivia's place in the global racial imaginary abroad. This study emphasizes the central role of the diplomatic bureaucracy as a condition of possibility in these projects and directs attention to the role of race in the development of state agencies less commonly associated with race, such as diplomacy.

The purpose of this paper is to reflect on the impact of globalisation and productive restructuring in contemporary migration flows in Latin America. It analyses two different movements to/from Latin America: Bolivians in São Paulo and Brazilians in London, seeking to highlight the precarious work conditions of migrants from the region.

The paper uses two interrelated research projects. One focuses on Bolivian workers in São Paulo. It used reference documents, and files from the local press and academic articles to map work dynamics of Bolivian migrants working in sweatshops. The other was conducted in London, where in‐depth interviews and participant observations were conducted with Brazilians working in low‐skilled jobs, to explore motives behind migration and settlement.

There is increasing mobility between different countries that receive immigrants with flexible proposals about constructing “new life projects”. These migrants seek to escape unfavourable living and working conditions, yet an overall perspective of flexible capitalism in its forms of production, distribution and consumption is observable. Both contexts feature precarious employment relationships, with informality, illegality and ethnic social networks being the main elements of attraction and support in host countries. Differences are located in the perspectives of return and settlement, given the different economic situations in England, Brazil and Bolivia.

Sample size does not allow making representative statements or generalisations about Brazilians in London. In addition, it was not possible to get primary data from Bolivians in São Paulo because the clandestine nature of the sweatshops makes it difficult to gain access, and to obtain reliable data.

The paper offers an important departure point to advance discussions about productive restructuring, informality, and Latin American mobilities by addressing the intersections between employment relations, migration and geographical mobility within/from Latin America.

In this chapter, the reality of Bolivia's current situation is presented, including details regarding the country's political, economic and environmental context. Then, alternate possible future scenarios are presented, developed by four different types of stakeholders in Bolivian society during four workshops that produced various suggestions on how to recover from the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic using a sustainable approach.

Several findings are incorporated into these scenarios, including potential risks, public policy recommendations and structural changes required to attain the best possible post-pandemic scenario for Bolivia, including the achievement of several Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) from the 2030 Agenda, especially SDGs 8, 13 and 17.

The first point worthy of consideration is that, until recently, Washington was not a traditional destination for Hispanics and other foreign nationals migrating from developing societies. Before the 1980s, when the Hispanic population exploded in the region, the city welcomed two waves of migrants. The first consisted of various waves of Europeans, primarily from Northern and Eastern Europe, who settled in DC as part of the migration wave of the late 19th century through the 1920s. Many from this group were professionals but the majority was journeyman simply employed in retailing and other low-cost entry services.¹ Although we do not have an accurate and concrete account of the size of this migration wave, by simply examining the growth of the overall population of the city one can assert that the European migration at the turn of the 20th century in Washington did not amount to the proportions we witness today.