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The purpose of this paper is to explore black market retailing, with a focus on Colombia’s San Andresitos.

The authors use grounded theory methodology to develop a theoretical framework that explains how consumers rationalize their acceptance, rejection, or tolerance of black market retailing. The authors obtained qualitative data based on reader responses to newspaper articles on San Andresitos and used the responses as qualitative data in comparative analysis to derive a “strategy family” theoretical framework.

The framework advances rationalization techniques that consumers employ to accept, reject, or tolerate the San Andresitos.

Colombians are divided on the legality of the San Andresitos. Although half the informants note the wrongfulness of the San Andresitos, the other half offer reasons to accept or tolerate them.

Legitimate (i.e. lawful) retailers operating in Colombia, or planning to enter, need to realize that local and national government officials support the San Andresitos. Colombia’s legitimate retailers must co-exist with the black market and dissuade consumers from patronizing unauthorized vendors or purchasing illicit goods.

Colombia’s acceptance of its black markets results in consumers inadvertently supporting crime, terrorism, and even bodily harm via the San Andresitos. However, the San Andresitos enable lower-income consumers to gain access to otherwise unattainable merchandise and provide employment through lower-skilled labor.

This paper is one of the first to explore black markets. From a transformative service research perspective, this research reveals how consumers, retailers, and government officials participate in Colombia’s black market, and how their activities serve to harm consumer well-being.

The influence of research on decisions concerning black consumers by mainstream marketers between 1920 and 1970 is to be examined. Market opportunity analysis provides a theoretical foundation. The paper aims to discuss these issues.

This study is based on examination of rare books, archival and proprietary documents housed at the Hartman Center for Sales, Advertising and Marketing History at Duke University; the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture at the New York Public Library; the Museum of Public Relations and relevant literature concerning research on black consumers.

Mainstream companies were motivated to pursue black consumers on the basis of attractive consumption habits, demographic and psychographic characteristics revealed by informal and formal research available as early as the 1920s. During and after the Second World War, research on black consumers became widely available to corporate executives through the trade press, trade associations, academic literature and internal corporate efforts. White and black scholars, entrepreneurs and marketing professionals were instrumental in collecting, disseminating and interpreting information regarding African-American consumers. Research not only prompted corporate interest in the black consumer market by appealing to profit motives, but also encouraged ground-breaking change in the way that blacks were addressed and portrayed in marketing materials.

This examination expands the literature by introducing information from materials not previously analysed which explains interest in black consumers from marketers' perspectives. Analysis indicates that economic self-interest, more so than social pressures driven by civil rights efforts, prompted mainstream marketers' interest in black consumers. At the same time, socioeconomic gains associated with civil rights advancements transformed African-Americans into an attractive consumer segment widely recognized by mainstream marketers.

Terminologies such as “integrated marketing” and “market segmentation” may be common parlance in contemporary marketing literature, but, in post-war America, they had distinct racial orientations mediated by a history of segregation. This paper aims to examine the resonant discourses in the construction of the Negro market in post-war America and observes that the field of marketing provides a historiography, where Negro marketing was constructed as dilemmatic and through a duality of the black market impacting the well-established white market. A survey of marketing literature from the 1950s to the 1970s reflects a discursive turn from scepticism and caution in approaching the Negro market to evoking the ethical discourse and advocating equal rights for the black consumer.

A review of articles on the topic reveals that research occurred in other academic fields beyond the remit of marketing, and these different disciplines approached the issue of the Negro market from different research orientations and fields of enquiry. This paper focuses on academic literature that was published in marketing and business journals which were concerned with marketing to the black community. The journals reviewed in this paper include Journal of Marketing Research, Marketing/Communications, The Journal of Business, The Journal of Marketing and Journal of Advertising Research published from the 1950s to the 1960s. In reviewing the marketing literature from these journals, it highlights the recurrent and resonant themes and shifts in discourse in the period mentioned.

Despite the scepticism, there was a recognition among market researchers that they were in a unique position to influence significantly the future relationships between blacks and whites in America (Gould et al., 1970, p. 26; Kassarjian, 1971; Hair et al., 1977; Solomon et al., 1976). The marketing discourses also showed reluctance in supporting black media, as advertising agencies did not have a preference for it. Black advertising organizations, while providing access to the Negro market, were seen as having high preparation costs and high costs per thousand in terms of reaching the population. There was also dissatisfaction expressed with the results of the copy (Alexis, 1959).

The moral turn in advertising is evident in the late 1960s and early 1970s, where marketers spoke of intervention beyond market strategies. Cohen (1970, p. 3) argued fervently that there exists an opportunity for advertising to improve its social image by giving more attention to the black community. The moral discourse of social responsibility as marketers and advertisers sought to go beyond advocating consumer rights to recognising that structural changes and attitudinal shifts was required to reform the industry through recruitment and training of black staff in creative and consultative roles. Wall (1970, p. 48), in commenting on integrated advertising, observed that beyond producing advertisements which create a sense of equality in life style and values, black employment is vitally important in creative levels in the advertising industry to improve credibility and acceptance.

Begging is undoubtedly an ancient phenomenon but when explored from the tourism perspective, it is relatively new. Begging has existed across several historical periods, but with sophistication and savviness, it has developed into a lucrative form of tourism business. While previous studies have reasonably explored the beggar–tourist interaction in several socio-economic contexts, the present one attempts to research an unusual aspect of these encounters which is termed as “black market tourism.” In the current study, black market is explained as a clandestine but visible market where tourism transactions take place within three important stakeholders, namely, the beggars, the tourists and shopkeepers. The transaction is found to have some aspects of illegality, but ultimately, serves the manifest function of yielding money and growing the underground network. This triangular interaction is therefore of relevance to understand the functioning of this black market involving those key stakeholders. With this notion as foundation, this study aims to empirically and conceptually explore the phenomenon of black market tourism which is derived from the beggar–tourist– shopkeeper encounter in an important city of India called Hyderabad. The specific location of the study was Chaar Minaar, a popular tourism city with ancient monument and shopping places in Hyderabad (India). Tourism in India is undeniably infused with the notions of color and culture, but how this colorful context gradually developed into a colorless black market tourism economy is worthy of study.

From a methodological point of view, this conceptual paper draws on unobtrusive research methods (written records, non-participant observations, informal interviews and occasional photography).

Findings show that begging is developing into a lucrative industry without costly investment and beggars operate in a cartel. The black tourism market is found to be an emerging underground tourism economy with established stakeholders, who are rapidly progressing and growing their network. The network is seen to be increasingly attracting educated and young professionals.

The research is explorative and provides a consistent and empirically based starting point for research on black market tourism involving beggar–tourist and beggar–shopkeeper interactions in Indian cities. The sample being very limited, it is important to stress the limited possibilities to generalize the findings of this study to other destinations. Moreover, the assumption that the background of the local researcher might have influenced the interpretation of primary data need not be neglected, thus suggesting a further examination to confirm validity of the results.

The study provides information not only to destination managers interested to diversify the tourism product, but also to policymakers who are fighting against begging in the city of Hyderabad. The beggar experience can be used to attract more tourists seeking authenticity, provided that the process is improved by adding in some level of professionalism. For instance, beggars could be trained to perform decently in a town hall where tourists are invited to attend cultural shows. To some extent, this study may also help empowering beggars to become part of the tourism ecosystem. This is important, as modern society has disempowered economically disadvantaged members of the community (Hutton, 2016). Ultimately, the study attempted to show that disempowered members of the community are not always passive and powerless. They can create business out of another business (a re-invented form of beggarism that has potential to generate money from tourism).

The study has a social aspect as it takes the involvement of three stakeholders, namely, the tourists, the beggars and the shopkeepers. The study shows how begging transactions affect the three stakeholders and it sheds light on its overall impact on Hyderabad, as a tourism destination.

To the best of authors’ knowledge, no tourism study (academic and non-academic) has so far considered the beggar–tourist encounter from a black market perspective. The findings offer new information on a reinvented form of beggarism and unveils that this black market is a well-entrenched system operated by an educated pool of people and professionals. Ultimately, the study attempts to show that disempowered members of the community (beggars) are not always passive and powerless. They can create business out of another business (a re-invented form of beggarism that has potential to generate money out of tourism).

The Mexican foreign exchange market plays an important role in the laundering of narcotics revenues of traffickers from that country and, to some extent, traffickers from Colombia who ship through Mexico. This market is different from many other emerging market foreign exchange structures, because a legal parallel market has existed for more than two decades. The black market, meaning unreported foreign exchange dealings, is relatively smaller (compared to the size of the economy) than in other Latin American countries, since business people have broad access to dollars in the legal, parallel market.

The purpose of this paper is to present a biographical review of the career of the late Caroline Robinson Jones (1942‐2001) in order to understand her challenges and contributions to the advertising profession. Prior to her death, she was considered the foremost African‐American woman in the advertising business. She was the first black woman to serve as a vice president of a major mainstream advertising agency and also established a respected agency bearing her own name. This paper focuses on Jones' contributions to marketing practice and her experiences as a woman of color in the advertising industry.

This paper uses a traditional historical narrative approach largely based on archival materials housed in the Caroline Jones Collection at the Archives Center of the National Museum of American History at the Smithsonian Institution. Relevant secondary literature was also employed to provide appropriate context.

While the advertising industry has historically been noted for its lack of diversity among its professional ranks, Jones made significant contributions to the industry. Yet, despite her trailblazing accomplishments, findings suggest her efforts were constrained by structural oppression in the industry concerning gender and race.

Scholarly literature reflecting the contributions and experiences of women of color in the advertising business is nearly non‐existent. This paper provides an analysis using sources which are valuable in understanding career opportunities and challenges for women of color in advertising professions.

The effect of the relative supply of Hispanics on the relative earnings of Blacks in US labour markets is examined. The data source for the empirical estimates is the March 1988 Current Population Survey. The results support one of the key features of the Becker model of discrimination, namely, that the extent of discrimination is affected by relative supply. Results also indicated that an increase in the number of Hispanics in a local labour market will reduce the income of otherwise comparable Blacks. However, if the Black labour supply in a local labour market is sufficiently large, a given percentage increase in the relative supply of Blacks will have a more negative impact on average Black earnings than would the same percentage increase in the number of Hispanics.

In this article we consider the question of discrimination against black workers and female workers. We do not discuss the issue of discrimination as it applies within the ranks of white males. Analysis of the relationship between earnings and schooling would suggest that discrimination against this latter group mainly takes the form of unequal opportunity in the acquisition of schooling—that is, it occurs prior to labour market entry rather than within the market. Our focus upon blacks and female workers may be justified on the grounds that discrimination against such groups is said to be considerably more widespread. Our analysis is also restricted, for reasons of space, to a consideration of differences in earnings and occupations, omitting questions of unemployment.

John Hume, a veteran game farmer and founder of the Mauricedale Game Ranch in South Africa, was deeply troubled by the record upsurge in black rhino poaching incidents and black-market horn thefts in 2010 and 2011. While the endangered black rhino represented only one segment of Mauricedale's hunting and farming businesses in 2011, the animal's survival was an important component of the ranch's and industry's growth potential in the future. As both a businessman and a rhino advocate, John Hume was contemplating an innovative idea that might help stop the decline of the black rhino: the creation of a market for legalized black rhino hunting. As he pondered the possibilities and alternatives to determine what his next move should be, Hume had several questions on his mind: Was the legalization of the international sale and trade of rhino horns a viable solution? Was it Hume's responsibility to save the black rhino, and was the animal a good investment?