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This paper reports drinking patterns among minority ethnic groups from the UK literature over the past 15 years, and considers the evidence for service provision and support. Findings show that drinking remains low among minority ethnic groups, though with evidence of increases in consumption, particularly among Indian women and Chinese men. South Asian men, particularly Sikh men, are over‐represented for liver cirrhosis, and some ethnic groups have higher than national average alcohol‐related deaths. People from black and minority ethnic backgrounds have similar rates of alcohol dependency as the white population; however services do not appear to be responsive enough to the needs of minority ethnic groups as they are under‐represented in seeking treatment and advice for drinking problems. Help‐seeking preferences vary for drinking problems between and within groups suggesting that drinking problems need to be addressed within both mainstream and specialist services. Greater understanding of cultural issues is needed in the development of alcohol services in mainstream and specialist settings.

The current study seeks to explore ethnic diversity in Britain by investigating the strength of ethnic identity and acculturation levels of two British ethnic minority groups – Indians and African Blacks. The study also aims to examine the role of demographic characteristics in explaining the strength of ethnic identity and acculturation levels between the surveyed ethnic groups.

The study utilized a survey research design. Data was collected using a personally administered structured questionnaire from a convenience sample of 365 married ethnic members.

The results of t‐tests revealed that both Indians and African Blacks are strong ethnic identifiers and highly‐acculturated. Further results based on step‐wise regressions showed that age and income offer more explanatory power of ethnic diversity among African Blacks and Indians respectively.

The study highlights the complexity and importance of ethnicity in the development of multicultural strategies in Britain.

Research relating to ethnic diversity in Britain is relatively limited and of the very few studies available, there has been more emphasis on qualitative research approaches. This study also offers findings on ethnicity at a time when there is growth in the population of ethnic markets in Britain.

The purpose of this paper is to compare the entrepreneurial activity, attitudes and social connections of four groups of ethnic minority females in the UK, with the aim of examining the extent of gender and ethnic background effects on nascent start‐up activities and the attitudes of women belonging to these ethnic minority groups.

A two‐stage approach is adopted to examine the situations of four main female ethnic minority groups using data from the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM) adult population survey for the UK. The first stage adopts a binary logistic approach to determine the importance of social networks, opportunity perception and risk aversion to the probability of being involved in nascent entrepreneurial activities. The second stage of analysis examines the differences in these perceptual variables to determine the extent to which different female ethnic minority groups are embedded in different social environments when attempting to start a business.

There are considerable differences amongst different ethnic groups in the level of entrepreneurial activity by women, their attitudes towards entrepreneurship, and the social capital available to them when starting a business.

The findings suggest that policy makers should take the differences by ethnic groupings into account when developing bespoke development policies designed to alleviate the barriers faced by women.

The paper is one of the first comparative studies focusing on women from different ethnic backgrounds. Rather than assuming homogeneity, or examining specific groups in isolation it allows the different conditions faced by prospective entrepreneurs from each group to be examined.

A varying number of work hours from week to week creates considerable hardships for workers and their families, like volatile earnings and work–family conflict. Yet little empirical work has focused on racial/ethnic differences in varying work hours, which may have increased substantially in the Great Recession of the late 2000s. We extend literatures on racial/ethnic stratification in recessions and occupational segregation to this topic. Analyses of the Survey of Income and Program Participation show varying weekly hours became significantly more common for White and Black, but especially Latino workers in the late 2000s. The growth of varying weekly hours among White and Latino workers was greatest in predominantly minority occupations. However, the growth among Black workers was greatest in predominantly White occupations. The chapter discusses implications for disparities in varying hours and the salience of occupational composition beyond earnings.

This paper focuses on two issues, firstly the extent to which the employment position of the main ethnic minority groups in England and Wales changed between 1991 and 2001 and secondly, a detailed examination of employment rates amongst ethnic groups in 2001. Relative to Whites, the employment position of most ethnic minority groups improved over the period, especially for males. Some of this improvement was due to enhanced levels of observable characteristics. However, the employment gap between Whites and some ethnic minority groups remains extremely large. Educational qualifications, religion and local deprivation are found to be important influences on employment for many minority groups. We conclude by discussing the policy implications of these findings.

At first glance, it might seem from the statistics that 18- to 20-year-old members of minority ethnic groups are doing relatively well in terms of higher education. They are in fact better represented in UK colleges and universities than young whites. However, this is far from the whole story. Certain black groups, such as African–Caribbean males and Bangladeshi females, are significantly underrepresented in higher education in general and certain programmes in particular. For example, there has been difficulty recruiting Black and ethnic minority students into teacher training programmes (DfEE, 1998). The experience of participating in higher education is also often different for black and white students. Black and minority ethnic students are more likely to be concentrated in the new universities. In the mid-1990s, only 0.5 percent of the students at the older established universities came from a Black or minority ethnic background, compared with 14.4 percent in the new universities (DfEE, 1998). This inequality helps to perpetuate a system of white privilege, one that is entrenched in other areas of public life in the UK. Black and minority ethnic students are also more likely to study part-time than white students, are more likely to drop out of courses, and more frequently opt for lower-level qualifications (i.e., a diploma rather than a degree).

Previous literature about race equality in social care has identified specific examples of good practice, but also a lack of widespread action by services to address both race discrimination and cultural competence. This paper is based on work by the Commission for Social Care Inspection to produce a practice‐focussed bulletin for social care service providers about providing appropriate services for black and minority ethnic people. It is based on evidence from self‐assessment work by services and importantly, the views and experiences of black and minority ethnic people using social care services. The findings suggest that only a minority of services are taking specific action on race equality and that there is an under‐reporting of concerns by black and minority ethnic people using services. The key to appropriate services is not adapting existing services based on generalisations about ‘culture’ but providing culturally competent, personalised support that addresses individual needs alongside a systematic approach to remove barriers to race equality in the service.

The purpose of this paper is to explore how UK black professionals construct and negotiate ethnic/gender identities at work.

Separate semi‐structured focus groups for three females and four males are used.

Ethnicity, gender and their intersection play important roles in identity construction of black UK professionals, who frequently encounter identity‐challenging situations as they interact with explicit and implicit models of race and stereotyping. Males use agentic strategies to further their careers, drawing strength from “black men” identities. Women are less agentic, reframing challenging episodes to protect/restore their identity.

This study helps understanding of workplace experiences of UK black professionals beyond entry level. Several years after graduation, they still engage frequently in identity work, facing stereotyping and expectations based on intersecting gender and ethnic social categories. The paper shows how aspects of “black identity” provide a resource that supports career progress. Main limitation is small sample size.

People managing diverse professionals and HRM specialists need to recognize how much identity work (e.g. frequently countering stereotyping) has to be done by black professionals in cultures that do not value diversity. As they gain access to senior positions, this will be increasingly an issue for talent retention.

This paper provides some rich understanding about identity construction of black male professionals, an under researched group. This paper extends the work on ethnic minority females, comparing them with male peers. It is shown that minority groups are not homogeneous, but may undergo different workplace experiences and adopt different strategies, drawing on various aspects of the generic “black identity”. This has implications for how organizational diversity is understood, managed and researched.

There is a popular perception that particular ethnic groups have a stronger sense of filial responsibility than is found in Western European societies, which has led to a belief that formal services are not required by minority groups. However, it has been suggested that some minority ethnic older people are actually in greater need of support, because of factors such as poorer health and lower socio‐economic status, than the white majority in Britain. Employing data from the 2005 Home Office Citizenship Survey, ethnic group differences in help given to family members are examined. Contrary to prevailing assumptions, there was only one ethnic group difference; black Caribbean older people had significantly lower odds than white British people of supporting members of their household. Support was equally likely among all other minority groups and the white British group, providing nationally representative evidence for an idea only previously speculated upon.