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Field survey studies undertaken in Nigeria, Korea, China and India explored the way inner‐age satisfaction is experienced in those culturally diverse societies. Chronologically 20 to 59 year old respondents’ inner‐age satisfaction was gauged as the average difference between feel, look, do, and interest cognitive (self‐perceived) and desired (ideal) inner‐age dimensions. Analyses of covariance (with chronological age factored out) across the four nations showed Nigeria to differ significantly in terms of inner‐age satisfaction from each Asian population, contrary to the Asian societies where no differences were found across samples (except between Korea and India where inner‐age satisfaction differed at a p .05). High levels of satisfaction with inner‐age (coming about when cognitive and desired ages are equal) commonly transpired: 31.4 per cent of Indian, 36.9 per cent of Nigerian, 44.3 per cent of Chinese, and 44.9 per cent of Korean respondents. Age dissatisfaction in an elder direction (ideal age older than self‐perceived age) was atypical and happened most often among Nigerian (23.4 per cent) and least among Korean subjects (10.7 per cent). In contrast, wishing for a younger innerage was a commonplace phenomenon in India (50.6 per cent of the sample), as well as in China where it occurred the least (36.6 per cent). The study’s findings imply the universal nature of the way human beings (irrespective of culture) perceive and feel about inner‐age, as well as the potential of an inner‐age satisfaction psychographic as a relevant consumer behavior segmentation trait for marketing planners of age‐sensitive products and services who seek to standardize their global branding and distribution.

This article examines what women consumers mean when they define themselves as either “young” or “middle‐aged.” A survey of women 30 to 69 shows that they consider it acceptable to be young at any chronological age. This article provides evidence debunking five common fables about women and negative age stereotypes. The reality, supported by this survey, is that women deny their chronological age, consider themselves young well beyond forty, and typically identify with a state of ageless youth. The marketing implications involve product development embodying youthful images and advertising campaigns using mature models, rather than teenagers, to appeal to mature women who define themselves as young at heart.

This article examines single baby boom consumers on demographic and psychographic dimensions tested in a survey of 267 respondents. We found differences between singles and marrieds in social self‐image, age identification, nature and frequency of leisure activities, and shopping habits. Singles are characterized as “Social Seekers” because they socialize more and show more concern with their social image than marrieds. Marketing implications exist for a variety of products related to gender and marital status.

The purpose of this paper is to develop a scale to measure social religiosity (SR) and assess its measurement invariance across different cultures.

The research relied on samples from China (n=486), India (n=377), Japan (n=362), Korea (n=386), and the USA (n=580). The invariance process involved carrying out a series of confirmatory factor analyses with progressively more restrictive constraints.

Results show the SR scale to be reliable and valid across culturally and religiously diverse countries. Implications of the findings are also discussed.

Based on Katz (1988) this is a new scale to measure SR and its measurement invariance is assessed across culturally divergent countries.

For many years the senior citizen market has been eclipsed by the youth market. This has been especially true in the market for apparel. While manufacturers, such as Levi Strauss, have offered fuller‐cut clothing and jeans for the mature consumer, a void still exists in the fashion clothing market for older Americans.

Advertisers have been criticized for underrepresenting the elderly in print ads and television commercials. What critics often overlook, however, are audience and product considerations along with the effectiveness of older spokespersons in influencing intent to purchase among elderly and younger consumers. This article examines what is currently known about the use of older persons in advertising and extends these findings by reporting the views of advertising agency executives on this topic. From the results of these studies, an audience‐product matrix with examples is provided to help put the advertiser's position into perspective. According to the literature reviewed and the perceptions of advertising agency executives, the use of elderly spokespersons tends to work best when the product or service can be targeted to elderly consumers and the products or services themselves are elderly‐oriented. There is some evidence to suggest that elderly persons are used in advertisements not because advertisers want to represent the elderly, but rather when these spokespersons can sell the product.

For decades, organizations have based their marketing efforts to the 65 and older market on traditional stereotypes. This is surprising given the size, growth, and spending power of this market. It is also inconsistent with the marketing concept. This article identifies a number of dimensions which highlight the diversity of the so‐called senior citizen market. The diversity of this market involves a complex set of factors involving age, health, income, education, retirement, information processing, the self‐concept, reference groups, and cohort membership. The marketing implications of these dimensions are illustrated through examples of current marketing practice.