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Looks at social movements, including gay ones, and Laud Humphrey’s work in this field. Mentions the homophile movement and its effect on the plight of homosexuals in America. Highlights the works of Edward Sagarin, as a key opponent of “deviants” or gays, with many works and also statements attributed to him. Outlines, in depth, some of the featured proponents and their published ideas for and against.

Profiles the development of the project IWW/Earth First Local 1, a group which brought loggers and environmentalists together in an attempt to combine labour and ecology issues. Describes anarchosyndicalist ideas that formed the basis of this alliance, suggesting that these have some merit for present day ecologists. Considers the common ground shared by labour and ecology movements and presents some learnings from the project for future mainstream environmental policies.

The purpose of this paper is to develop a profile of the sexual behavioural characteristics of black men who have sex with men (MSM) in the Greater Toronto Area (GTA), Canada who constitute a unique mixture in terms of background, race, ethnicity, and culture. Having a profile of the sexual health and risk taking behaviours of these men is important since it provides information on these black Canadian men in comparison other black MSM.

Data were collected as part of a cross-sectional study of black MSM in GTA. Survey participants completed a questionnaire requesting information on socio-demographic characteristics, sexual behaviour, general and mental health, and awareness of social marketing strategies for gay men. The study was conducted in 2007-2008, through convenience sampling. Based on the data collected, the authors characterized the profile of black MSM with respect to sexual risk behaviours.

The authors collected data on 168 black MSM. These men perceived their general health to be good. However, a large proportion of them practiced inconsistent condom use but this varied according to the ethnicity of the partner. Inconsistent condom use also varied by place of birth with Canadian-born men and Caribbean-born men less likely to consistently use condoms than African-born men. In multiple regression analysis, being born in Africa favoured condom use. Men were also more likely to practice inconsistent condoms use when the sexual partner was non-black. Further, when sex with other black men was examined, those who were older (30 years) and had not disclosed their sexuality were more likely to stop using condoms. Other variables which were expected to have associations with inconsistent condom use, based on studies in other jurisdictions – such as previous sexually transmitted infections, sex with women, sex while travelling, and drug use were not related to inconsistent condom use.

While the survey data were based on a relatively small sample size and may not be representative of the entire black MSM population in the GTA, it provides a basis for ongoing and targeted support for black MSM particularly those born in Canada. Older men who are not open with their sexuality may be at a risk of acquiring or transmitting HIV. Future research should focus on these men.

This report provides a perspective on the sexual health and risk taking behaviours of black MSM in Canada. This is particularly important since their social history and health determinants are different from those of US African Americans. The results will stimulate further research targeting this group, and support HIV programmes and services for these men.

A postmodernist look at the position of marketing at the turn of the millennium. Devises a dream‐like conversation between four professionals (a doctor, a lawyer, an accountant and a marketer). Each representative defends the status of the profession, with the focus on the marketer. Considers the opinion of others of the role of the marketer and reflects on its development and obstacles to development.

The words we use influence how we think. For example, when we think about business, most of us would probably say “Business is War.” A company has to capture J the market, beat the competition, make a killing, bury the competition. Using this metaphor, we have a whole vocabulary of winners and losers. Yet, in reality, thats often misleading. We may think there will be victors and vanquished in a price war, but in the end, no one wins.

This chapter explores the ideas of Alasdair MacIntyre and Vaclav Havel and what these two thinkers can contribute to green political theory.

This chapter includes examination of some of the key works of Havel and MacIntyre and analysis of these works from the point of view of green political theory.

The section ‘Havel and the Imperative to “Live in Truth”: Dissent and Green Politics’ explores Havel’s thought with a particular emphasis on his ethicised notion of political action and critique (‘living in truth’) and his focus on the centrality of dissent (both intellectually and in practice) as central to political critique and action. The section ‘MacIntyre as a Green Thinker: Vulnerability in Political and Moral Theory’ offers an overview of MacIntyre interpreted as a putative green thinker, with a particular emphasis on his ideas of dependence and vulnerability. The Conclusion attempts to draw some common themes together from both thinkers in terms of what they have to offer contemporary green political thought.

What is presented here is introductory, ground clearing and therefore necessarily suggestive (as well as under-developed). That is, it is the start of a new area of exploration rather than an analysis based on any exhaustive and comprehensive knowledge of both thinkers.

This chapter offers some initial lines of exploration for scholars interested in the overlap between green thinking and the work of Havel and MacIntyre.

This is the first exploration of the connections between the works of Havel and MacIntyre and green political theory.

At a recent meeting of the Glasgow Grocers' and Provision Merchants' Association, it was alleged that there are provision merchants in Glasgow who are doing a large business in selling margarine as butter at 1s. 2d. per pound. In commenting upon this statement The Grocer very properly urges that the officials of the Association referred to should take prompt steps to place the facts in their possession before the Glasgow authorities and their officers, and observes that in certain cities and towns—Birmingham, for example—the grocers' associations have co‐operated with the authorities in their efforts to suppress illegal trading, particularly in regard to the sale of margarine as butter. It appears that one of the members of the Glasgow Association expressed the opinion that the Margarine Act has been a failure and that shopkeepers who sell margarine as butter should be charged with obtaining money under false pretences.

Amidst the backlash against gay rights in the U.S., a rapidly expanding number of companies are instituting inclusive policies. While in 1990 no major corporations provided health insurance for the partners of lesbian and gay employees, by early 2004, over 200 companies on the Fortune 500 list (approximately 40%) had adopted domestic partner benefits. This study of Fortune 1000 corporations reveals that the majority of adopters instituted the policy change only after facing pressure from groups of lesbian, gay, and bisexual employees. Despite such remarkable success, scholars have yet to study the workplace movement, as it is typically called by activists. Combining social movement theory and new institutional approaches to organizational analysis, I provide an “institutional opportunity” framework to explain the rise and trajectory of the movement over the past 25 years. I discuss the patterned emergence and diffusion of gay employee networks among Fortune 1000 companies in relation to shifting opportunities and constraints in four main areas: the wider sociopolitical context, the broader gay and lesbian movement, the media, and the workplace. Next, using the same wide-angle lens, I explain the apparent decline in corporate organizing since 1995. My multimethod approach utilizes surveys of 94 companies with and without gay networks, intensive interviews with 69 networks and 10 corporate executives, 3 case studies, field data, and print and virtual media on gay-related workplace topics. By focusing on not simply political but also broader institutional opportunities, I provide a framework for understanding the emergence and development of movements that target institutions beyond the state.