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This paper aims to analyze the evolution of the marketing of paintings and related visual products from its nascent stages in England around 1700 to the development of the modern art market by 1900, with a brief discussion connecting to the present.

Sources consist of a mixture of primary and secondary sources as well as a series of econometric and statistical analyses of specifically constructed and unique data sets that list nearly more than 50,000 different sales of paintings during this period. One set records sales of paintings at various English auction houses during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries; the second set consists of all purchases and sales of paintings recorded in the stock books of the late nineteenth-century London art dealer, Arthur Tooth, during the years of 1870/1871. The authors interpret the data under a commoditization model first introduced by Igor Kopytoff in 1986 that posits that markets and their participants evolve toward maximizing the efficiency of their exchange process within the prevailing exchange technology.

We found that artists were largely responsible for a series of innovations in the art market that replaced the prevailing direct relationship between artists and patron with a modern market for which painters produced works on speculation to be sold by enterprising middlemen to an anonymous public. In this process, artists displayed a remarkable creativity and a seemingly instinctive understanding of the principles of competitive marketing that should dispel the erroneous but persistent notion that artistic genius and business savvy are incompatible.

A similar marketing analysis could be done of the development of the art markets of other leading countries, such as France, Italy and Holland, as well as the current developments of the art market.

The same process of the development of the art market in England is now occurring in Latin America and China. Also, the commoditization process continues in the present, now using the Internet and worldwide art dealers.

This is the first article to trace the historical development of the marketing of art in all of its components: artists, dealers, artist organizations, museums, curators, art critics, the media and art historians.

This paper aims to deconstruct the validation process for contemporary art with a fresh take on the components and terminology of this process, here referred to as the art machine.

Existing literature is analysed and key theoretical aspects combined to support the theory that an art machine exists that may process contemporary art for legitimation, sustainability and market success.

Roles played by art professionals and institutions within what is pioneered in this paper as the art machine frequently overlap. Opportunities for success are maximised when and if artists, art schools, galleries, critics, auction houses, museums and collectors manage to work in unison towards the common goal of optimal symbolic and financial value for the contemporary art market.

A clear and intelligible deconstruction of the art machine's interacting components should enable interested agents in both established and emerging art markets to better operate mechanisms towards short‐term marketing objectives and long‐term sustainability within the highly competitive and fluid art environment.

Existing literature recognises layered spheres of activity that may combine for success in an art market seeking increasing symbolic and financial value and sustainability. This article innovatively pictures the dynamic, interlocking mechanisms in this on‐going, one‐way process of turning inconspicuous raw materials into a valued end‐product: this is the art machine.

Two measures of informational efficiency are applied to the market for paintings. The first is a measure of market efficiency as captured by serial dependency in returns. The serial correlation in an index of art returns suggests the possibility of persistent trends in the art market, however there is no empirical evidence that these trends can be easily exploited. The second is a measure of “price risk,” or instantaneous uncertainty about the immediate resale value of a work of art. The magnitude of the price risk suggests that there is a major role for dealers in the art market. Using historical data, I find that the price risk has been declining since the beginning of the painting market, indicating increasing informational efficiency. Paintings are like stocks and a dealer is like a broker. Someone makes money, then there is someone else who's really good at investing in stocks, and he tells the investor what to buy. If someone tells you to go to a good gallery rather than one that's not so good, you'll get a painting that might turn out to be worth something, a painting you like that's also a good investment. Its like having a broker tell you what stocks to buy. Andy Warhol

In recent years, scholars have begun suggesting that marketing can learn a lot from art and art history. This paper aims to build on that work by developing the proposition that successful artists are powerful brands.

Using archival data and biographies, this paper explores the branding acumen of Pablo Picasso.

Picasso maneuvered with consummate skill to assure his position in the art world. By mid-career, he had established his brand so successfully that he had the upper hand over the dealers who represented him, and his work was so sought-after that he could count on selling whatever proportion of it he chose to allow to leave his studio. In order to achieve this level of success, Picasso had to read the culture in which he operated and manage the efforts of a complex system of different intermediaries and stakeholders that was not unlike an organization. Based on an analysis of Picasso's career, the authors assert that in their management of these powerful brands, artists generate a complex, multifaceted public identity that is distinct from a product brand but shares important characteristics with corporate brands, luxury brands and cultural/iconic brands.

This research extends prior work by demonstrating that having an implicit understanding of the precepts of branding is not limited to contemporary artists and by connecting the artist to emerging conceptualizations of brands, particularly the nascent literatures on cultural, complex and corporate brands.

Strategic management of nonprofit organizations.

This case is appropriate for graduate level program/executive education courses; advanced topics in nonprofit management or strategic management of nonprofit organizations.

This case focuses on the central dilemma faced by arteBA Foundation in 2008. arteBA Foundation's chairman, Facundo Gómez Minujín, received an offer from a foreign company to purchase the art fair launched 17 years before – and by then acknowledged as the most prestigious fair in Latin America. Leading art fairs around the world were managed by for-profit companies that could view arteBA as a strategic asset to tap into new markets. Gómez Minujín called for an urgent board meeting. The young chairman had his qualms about selling the fair. In addition to corroborating arteBA's brand positioning in the region and rewarding the organization's efforts over the years, this purchasing offer afforded the possibility to undertake several projects to further develop and promote Argentine art – the true driver for most arteBA's members. The case describes the foundation's background and the fair's growth until the crossroads in November 2008. They include several accounts of instances in which the foundation took financial risks to enhance the fair's positioning, such as granting subsidized space to emerging galleries at its Young Neighborhood Program, expanding to include aesthetically risky offerings at its Open Space section, and financially supporting Brazilian galleries to attend the fair in order to enhance its Latin American scope and regional consolidation. Similarly, the case depicts how the foundation chose to uphold fair continuity in critical years (2001) amidst a dismal domestic setting. The dilemma presented by this case hinges on an organization's ability to build a market-based venture while preserving and pursuing its mission. To promote Argentine artists and art, arteBA Foundation had to help art galleries – for-profit businesses – to adopt more professional practices. Another challenge described in this case revolves around the need to “manage quality” in detriment of greater, immediate revenues. The last section revisits the central dilemma faced by arteBA Foundation. The mixed reactions of board members on the fair's purchase offer described in the introduction unfolded in a passionate debate at the board meeting. Two prevailing positions emerged in reference to the future of the organization. For some board members selling the fair afforded arteBA a chance to finally undertake new challenges, such as launching a grant program, offering financial support to artists, consolidating a new venture (South Limit), etc. Opposing board members contended that, without the fair, the foundation made no sense and that no other initiative could have such an impact on its field of choice. Finally, the board found it impossible to reach a decision on this matter in just one meeting and decided to resume its discussion after a recess.

This case has been designed to advance the following teaching objectives: gaining a better understanding of market-based ventures carried out by social organizations; discussing the alignment of market-based ventures to social missions at social organizations; adequately interpreting market trends to try to align them to a nonprofit's mission; identifying the primary capabilities needed by social organizations to manage profitable market-based ventures; developing a positive market orientation as a source of opportunities for a nonprofit; appreciating the significance of an active, committed board for market-based venture development; and highlighting the primary role of entrepreneurship and innovation when it comes to launching market-based ventures that add value to a nonprofit's brand.

Teaching notes are available.

This study aims to determine the influence of relationship marketing on consumer behavior in the fine arts sector. Specifically, it examines the relationship marketing dynamics that significantly impact art enthusiasts' intention to purchase and their satisfaction with the artist.

The proposed model was tested through the “structural equation modeling” technique to explain how and to what extent each variable affected purchase intention and satisfaction. Using a paper-based and online survey method to gather data, the authors analyzed 303 responses from art students, art collectors and art dealers in Mongolia. Eight hypotheses, including two mediating hypotheses, were developed and tested.

The results indicated that relationship investment and communication significantly influence trust, satisfaction and purchase intention, while trust significantly influences satisfaction and purchase intention. The study also assessed the vital role of trust as a mediator.

The study's results provide insights that may help artists, art collectors and art dealers promote and improve the sales of their art products. The interactions demonstrated between the construct reveal essential implications for art marketers interested in relationship marketing strategies.

This study is the first to explore the application of relationship marketing in the fine arts industry.

The purpose of this paper is to explore how art production and marketing in China is attempting to move up the value chain as increasing number of Chinese replica-selling galleries seek to break free from the image of Chinese art towns as skilled but imitative centres of art production.

In-depth interviews were conducted among seven gallery owners in Wushipu art village over three weeks to discover how art production in China has evolved and to chart its future growth.

In the Chinese setting with its distinctive cultural patterns, tensions between the emergent national pride in original art and the facile and commercial moneymaking potential of simply selling industrially produced art are revealed.

The changing dynamics of arts markets in China provide marketers and researchers a glimpse into a parallel trend: the gradual but rising shift to innovation, originality and luxury occurring in the China-based manufacturing centres of material goods.

The attempts to break from the imitative mass production of art and strike a balance between creating and meeting the art needs of the Chinese consumer indicate how domestic market priorities and economic growth are likely to serve as the new fuel for contemporary China’s socioeconomic development.

Via an interpretive look at contemporary Chinese modes of arts production and marketing, the paper revisits the antagonism between the creation of original art and the production of industrial art in a context not well-known in the west, the massive art production centres of China.

This paper aims to explore how stolen Indian antiquities were purchased by a major Australian collecting institution, despite cultural protection policies designed to prevent such inappropriate acquisitions. Using the acquisition of the Dancing Shiva as a case study, the purpose of this paper is to examine how collecting institutions such as the National Gallery of Australia experience difficulty when determining legal title through provenance research. The impact of incautious provenance research produces significant risk to the institution including damaging its social responsibility credentials and reputation when the acquisition is discovered to be stolen.

This research applies a qualitative case study method and analysis of sourced official policy documents, personal communication with actors involved with the case, media reports and published institutional statements.

This work identifies four contributing factors that resulted in the National Gallery of Australia’s acquisition of stolen Indian artefacts: a misguided level of trust of the art dealer based on his professional reputation; a problematic motivation to expand the gallery’s Asian art collection; a less transparent and judicious acquisition process; and a collaboration deficiency with cultural institutions in India. Crime preventative methods would appear to be a strategic priority to counter art crime of this nature.

Additional research into how collecting institutions can be effectively supported to develop and implement crime preventative methods, especially less-resourced institutions, can potentially further enhance cultural heritage protection.

Fostering a higher degree of transparency and institutional collaboration can enhance cultural heritage protection, develop a greater level of institutional ethics and social responsibility and identify any potential criminal activity. Changing the culture of “owning” to “loaning” may provide a long-term solution for cultural heritage protection, rather than incentivising a black market with lucrative sums of money paid for artefacts.

Art crime involving the illegal trade of antiquities is often misinterpreted as a victimless crime with no real harm to individuals. The loss of a temple deity statue produces significant spiritual anguish for the Indian community, as the statue is representative not only of their God but also of place. Collecting institutions have a social responsibility to prioritise robust provenance policy and acquisition practices above collection priorities.

Art crime is a relatively new area within criminology. This work examines issues involving major collecting institutions acquiring stolen cultural heritage artefacts and the impact art crime has on institutions and communities. This paper unpacks how motivations for growing more prestigious collections can override cultural sensibilities and ethical frameworks established to protect cultural heritage. It highlights the liabilities associated with purchasing antiquities without significant due diligence regarding provenance research and safeguarding cultural heritage. It also emphasises the importance for collecting institutions to establish robust acquisition policies to protect the reputation of the institutions and the communities they represent.

The purpose of this paper is to present the formulation of the first exhaustive price index for Argentinian (and other Latin American countries) visual artists using 5,069 works sold in auctions by 71 Argentinian artists during the years 1980-2014.

The authors estimated a regression of hedonic prices using the ordinary least squares method. When the regression was run and the results were analysed, the authors then estimated the annual price index of Argentinian artists’ work to then compare them with different financial and economic variables.

The average annual nominal arithmetic rate of return in dollars for Argentinian art during this period was 6.81 per cent, with a 29.11 per cent standard deviation. Argentinian art shows a low correlation with Argentinian and US companies’ shares and a slightly negative correlation with US bonds. This is the reason for artworks to be included in investors’ portfolios despite the relatively high volatility.

Valuating works of art in Argentina can be explained by a series of their attributes. The benefits of art as an investment should be contrasted with factors including illiquidity and high transaction costs that are inherent when investing in works of art.

Argentinian artists’ works have higher prices when, ceteris paribus, they are dated; they are auctioned in either Christie’s, Sotheby’s, Galería Arroyo, Roldan & Cia, Meeting Art, or Naon & Cia; they are oil or acrylic paintings; they are larger in size – although the price increase is decreasing when the size of the painting increases; and when the artist dies before their work is auctioned.

This work presents the first rigorous price index of Argentinian artists’ works. Additionally, and as far as the authors have been able to observe, the time-period in this article is the longest that has been used in studies on art as an investment in emerging markets.

Este trabajo presenta la elaboración del primer índice exhaustivo de precios de artistas plásticos de Argentina (y de cualquier otro país de Latino América) a partir de 5.069 ventas de obras de 71 artistas argentinos realizadas en subastas durante el período 1980-2014.

Se estimó una regresión de precios hedónica por el Método de Mínimos Cuadrados Ordinarios. Una vez corrida la regresión y analizados sus resultados, se procedió a estimar el índice anual de precios de obras de artistas argentinos, para posteriormente relacionarlos con diversas variables financieras y económicas.

El rendimiento promedio aritmético nominal anual en dólares del arte argentino durante ese período fue de 6,81% con una desviación estándar de 29,11%. El arte argentino exhibe una baja correlación con las acciones de empresas argentinas y de EEUU y ligeramente negativa con bonos de EEUU, lo cual le confiere atributos para ser incluido en las carteras de los inversionistas, a pesar de la elevada volatilidad.

Se consigue que la valoración de arte en Argentina puede ser explicada por una serie de atributos de las obras de arte. Los beneficios del arte como inversión deben ser evaluados con la iliquidez y los elevados costos de transacción, entre otros costos, inherentes a la inversión en obras de arte.

Las obras de artistas argentinos tienen precios más altos cuando, ceteris paribus: están fechadas, se subastan en Christie's, en Sotheby's o en Galería Arroyo, son ejecutadas en óleo o en acrílico, tienen un mayor área, aunque el aumento de precio es decreciente al aumentar el área, y cuando el artista ya había fallecido al momento de celebrase la subasta.

Este trabajo propone el primer índice riguroso de precios de obras de artistas de Argentina. Además, y hasta donde hemos podido comprobar, el período utilizado en este trabajo es el más largo que se haya empleado en estudios del arte como inversión en mercados emergentes.