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This study aims to deal with the evaluation of institutional development and effectiveness of regional parliaments; it provides a scientific contribution to the development of the field of parliamentary studies by developing a set of indicators to present a parameter for evaluating regional parliaments with application to the Arab Parliament. The study concluded with the development of a parameter of 35 indicators to measure institutionally, efficiency and effectiveness of the institution, with application to the Arab Parliament, as well as developing an integrated assessment of the strengths and weaknesses in the institutional aspects and organizational efficiency.

The study is predicated on the principle of institutional approach and the systems analysis. The curriculum is applied to the Arab Parliament as an institution to quantify efficiency and efficacy according to the implementation of a set of proposed practical indicators. The study additionally applies both Huntington’s institutional standards such as Adaptability, Involution, Autonomy and Coherence, as well as the indicators of institutions efficiency according to PrePanti such as Openness, Reception (R), Autonomy (A), Balance (B), Congruence (C), Internal Efficacy (I), Reformulation (R) and Roles (R), which refer to the first seven Latin letters “First RABCIRR”.

The researcher endeavored to answer the main questions; How to quantify the degree of institutionalization, its impact on the efficiency and efficacy of regional parliaments. The researcher’s approaches and the standards of efficiency and efficacy figured a comprehensive set of indicators that composed an integrated parliamentary standard to assess the degree of institutionalization, efficacy and efficiency of regional parliaments as a scientific contribution based on the Arab Parliament that can be applied to all regional parliaments.

This research is an attempt to create a Parliamentary Index to complement the previous scientific initiatives and efforts in developing such an index, which consists of 35 indicators and its application to the Arab Parliament. This research uses the principles of institutional approach, system analysis methodology and efficiency. The approach is applied to the Arab Parliament as a regional parliament to measure efficiency and effectiveness by applying a set of the proposed indicators.

The main purpose of this paper is to lighten a very big dark room of research regarding parliament and parliamentarians in the Arabic environment. The two researchers of this study tried to investigate the information seeking behavior of Members of the Kuwaiti Parliament (MKPs) in terms of their thoughts, perceptions, attitudes, motivations, techniques, preferences, ways, tools and problems encountered by them towards accessing information.

The authors employed a questionnaire, with a response rate 42 percent.

The study found that MKPs were mainly seeking information to make a parliamentary request/inquiry, to make a speech, and to make a decision. The study showed that the most important sources of information MKPs were seeking for were minutes of sessions, mass media, personal letters and information networks. It was also found that MKPs preferred printed formats, with a very good use of the internet and computers. This study showed MKPs' confirmation of using the English language, beside the use of the Arabic language, as the most dominating foreign language used to access information. The study found that consultants, secretaries and colleagues were the most important assistants of information to MKPs. The currency of information, the limited nature of the library's role to deliver information, and the use of technology tools were the most significant problems encountered by MKPs when they were seeking information.

The paper investigates the topic of parliamentarians' use of information, and as such highlights a topic that has limited previous research.

The paper provides valuable insight into the information behavior of a very important client group.

Being the first study in the Arab world concerned with the issue and topic of information seeking behavior and needs of Arab parliamentarians, it is considered a pioneering and unique study among many studies conducted in the field of both information access and information seeking, especially with this category of information users.

This paper aims to scrutinize some determinants that affect the functions and roles of contemporary parliaments. In particular, such parliaments attempt to involve in new areas that were not represented in parliamentary study and to play new roles in the areas of development, diplomacy, the establishment of post-conflict peace rules and achieving the objectives of the sustainable development. The study found that the most important determinants affecting the new roles of contemporary parliaments are the constitutional and legal frameworks.

This paper adopts three basic methodologies so as to reach some applicable scientific findings that can be generalized. The researcher has used the descriptive methodology, to shed light on the parliament’s various activities and new roles and to take note of the many surrounding factors and available dimensions that enable parliaments to perform such roles. The researcher has also used the comparative methodology, to study parliaments with a view to identifying their roles in a way that includes their similarities and dissimilarities and the possibility of generalizing the outputs.

The paper has reached many findings, the most important of which are: first, the need to present appropriate amendments to the constitutions to give space to parliaments to play more effective and influential roles. Second, the internal regulations of parliaments must be in line with the attitudes and aspirations of the parliament and its members, giving appropriate cover for playing new roles in various areas.

This study has found that contemporary parliaments can play new roles in various fields, whether internal or external and in different sectors as well, as a result of the great developments and complexities introduced around the world. Such developments and complexities have cast a shadow on governments and affected their abilities in dealing with the issues immediately because of the enormous challenges in addition to the ongoing developments occurring to the legislative systems in the world, at the technical level of the departments and secretariats of contemporary parliaments or for members of Parliament and the institution as a whole.

The new roles of contemporary parliaments have been affected by the determinants of the research, which are the constitutional framework, the legislative framework, the relationship between Parliament and civil society and the relationship between Parliament and the government. These factors cast a shadow over the expansion or contraction of the attempts of modern parliaments to play new roles.

This study has found that contemporary parliaments can play social roles in various fields of a social nature, which is find solutions to the problems experienced by societies emerging from civil wars, which need national reconciliation, for example, the reconciliation of the ethnic tribes carried out by the Iraqi council of representatives between the local tribes to resolve the internal problems, in addition the role of Borondian council by it is trying end the conflict between the tribes of Hotsi and Tutsi.

The importance of the study stems from the fact that it focuses on the most important determinants of the new roles of contemporary parliaments that may be conducted outside the traditional framework of the parliament's study of legislation and supervision. Such contemporary parliaments have played new roles that take the form of political, economic, social, humanitarian, diplomatic and environmental works and other works concerned with the climate and their attempts to end internal and external conflicts and disputes.

This paper aims to shed light on the previous ideological stands of the newly established Islamist parties in terms of the idea of party formation, and different models of their relations with the social movements from which they emanated through focusing on some case studies, namely, Egypt and Tunisia, with an attempt to study their impact on the parties’ paths by concentrating on two dimensions: the decision-making process and alliances’ building.

The paper is written according to the comparative case studies approach and Huntington’s new institutionalism.

The research findings proved that, in the light of the two case studies, there are two different models of relations exist between the Islamist political parties and the social movements they emanated from, and despite that both parties had come out from social movements or took the form of a movement in their beginnings and were established within the same context, they showed different perspectives in dealing later on with the new institutional and political context and their rising challenges. These perspectives affected the parties’ decision-making process and alliances’ building, as well as their institutional legitimacy and determined their political future.

In the end, this paper attempts to deal with the degree of institutionalization these parties enjoyed, based on how the movements they emanated from had dealt with the dilemma of party building and the party-movement relations.

Many factors influence the participation of women in political life in Arab societies. Some of these factors contribute to women’s participation in political life, while others have a negative effect. In this study, the reasons for limited participation of women in Arab parliaments, ministers, and governmental councils are investigated. Its aim is to identify, explain, and determine the relationship between women’s participation in political life in Arab societies and social, educational, economical, cultural, and health factors. Secondary data from several sources are used. Social, educational, economical, cultural, and health factors are assumed to be independent variables. Women’s participation in political life is the dependent variable. The sample includes all Arab societies (22 countries). The results of correlation analysis indicate that family size, number of children in family, and fertility rate had a significant and negative association with women’s participation in political life, while percent of family in urban areas was significant and positively related to the same variable. The results of path analysis show that the percent of women in Arab parliaments and in governmental organizations had significant direct effects on women’s participation in political life, while life expectancy of women, GNP per capita, and families in rural areas had significant indirect effects. The most important recommendation, one that can be used as a plan for women’s future in Arab societies, is to improve the social condition of women and increase their participation in decisionmaking at the local and national levels and to create conditions that will enhance the position of women. This can be accomplished by following a comprehensive method aiming at deepening women’s consciousness of their political and legal rights.

This aim of this paper is to relate the spread of new information and communications technology in Arab countries to the mobilization of young Tunisians and Egyptians in the uprisings of 2011.

The paper draws on the literature to discuss the opportunities the new social media tools brought to Arab societies, in terms of their potential to enable new forms of communication and develop new public spheres. It provides an overview of the relationship between the new media, a new generation and the uprising for democracy and political changes in North Africa.

The conclusion is that the spread and use of new information and communications technologies is having an enormous impact on societal and political changes in North Africa.

Based on the uprisings in parts of North Africa, the paper examines the use of the internet and mobile phones as tools for building democracy and bringing change. Evidence shows that social media played a major role in bringing down long‐standing dictatorships. The new media challenged government imposed media controls and provided activists with new tools for organising demonstrations, sending updates to journalists, bloggers and other activists, and encouraging media coverage.

The purpose of this paper is to provide a high-level analysis of the intersection emerging cryptocurrency sector with anti-money laundering (AML) regulations and risk-based AML diligence systems maintained by financial institutions.

The analysis begins with a description of cryptocurrencies, focusing specifically on how the supporting technologies and applications increase vulnerabilities. The information will lay the foundation for examining the vulnerabilities existing in the architecture of cryptocurrency technology, as well as potential targets for regulations. The second part of the analysis will then shift focus to defining the scope of the money laundering problem associated with cryptocurrencies. An in-depth understanding of the problem is necessary to inform tailored AML legislation and regulations. The third part of the analysis will explore emerging AML regulations that govern cryptocurrencies, focusing specifically on those being developed and implemented in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). The UAE regulations will then be compared to those of the USA and European Union (EU) for comparative analysis and best practices.

The UAE has a robust legal system aimed at bolstering AML efforts while supporting widespread integration of crypto assets into business and government operations. A review of the UAE’s legislative framework reveals critical issues. First, the current regulations do not cover decentralized finance (DeFi) and non-fungible tokens (NFTs). The absence of clear regulations for DeFi and NFT protocols has created a leeway for money laundering and related criminal activities. Second, there is a high level of fragmentation in the UAE’s legislative landscape. The UAE does not have uniform, national laws that apply to all the Emirates. Fragmentation is not unique to the UAE but a major global problem that affects the USA and EU. Therefore, it is necessary to adopt a tailored approach where standard rules and regulations are responsive to the diverse aspects of cryptocurrencies. The strategy is vital, as it will be impractical to create a single legislation or law that will cover all the crypto assets, including their diverse applications. Furthermore, the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) should develop a global standard that will support a unified/harmonized application of AML/counter-terrorist financing (CTF) laws and regulations related to cryptocurrencies and the blockchain technology.

The borderless nature of digital currency and exchanges means that the existing laws and regulations are inadequate to address cross-border money laundering activities. Thus, there is an urgent need of harmonizing global regulations to ensure uniformity in applications. The quest for harmonization should be a priority as the FATF works towards developing a global standard. The global standard will support a uniform application of AML/CTF laws and regulations related to cryptocurrencies and the blockchain technology.

Societal barriers continue to cause gender disparities in women’s share of political authority. As a representative case study for the Arab Gulf region, this paper aims to investigate public opinion on adopting a nationwide quota for women’s participation in top government offices in the Qatar context. It gathers insights on the following question: How does public opinion respond to a proposed new political arrangement of implementing gender quota laws in Qatar?

Data were collected via a national telephone survey of a representative sample of 660 Qatari nationals chosen by simple random sampling. A regression analysis was performed for the primary outcome: support for a gender quota system that guarantees a specific proportion of places for women in the government and executive positions.

Unsurprisingly, the findings reveal gender variations in support for the three distinct types of egalitarian policy examined (i.e. a quota for women in top government positions; a quota for women in executive positions in public ministries; and equal wages), with women being more supportive than men.

Assessing the public attitudes toward adopting legislative gender quotas is of interest to policy-makers and civil organizations alike that seek to advance women’s political status and democratic representation.

This study is among the very few to empirically examine public opinion on quotas as state-directed initiatives to promote the involvement of women in political power in Qatar.

This paper analyses the Mohammed cartoons controversy, the boycott of Danish products in the Middle East, and the consequences for the Danish companies involved.

The objectives have been achieved by means of a ideology‐critical discourse analysis of Danish newspaper articles on the subject.

The wider ramifications of an insult and freedom of expression discourse are shown. Managerial consequences of the boycott are outlined for Jyllands‐Posten and Arla Foods.

The paper is of value for researchers and managers who want to understand the politicisation of markets and the major consequences for management and marketing strategy.