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The purpose of this paper is to explore the anti-social behaviour (ASB) measures for under-18s contained in the Anti-social Behaviour, Crime and Policing Bill, examining how they differ from the current ASB framework and their likely implications for young people and society.

The paper is based on desk-based research of the proposed and existing ASB measures. It also draws on the author's experience as a parliamentary campaigner on the Bill for the Standing Committee for Youth Justice.

The paper finds that there is little difference in the substance of the proposed and existing ASB measures for under-18s. The key change of note is that the new powers will be easier and quicker to obtain, which is likely to be particularly counterproductive for children and young people.

This paper will be valuable to practitioners seeking to understand the new ASB proposals and their likely implications for practice and society.

This article explores the findings of the recent Audit Commission report. Crime and disorder reduction partnerships (CDRPs) need a sound understanding of what makes people safe in a particular area. The report identifies some positive achievements and ways in which agencies can improve further in the light of new policy developments in neighbourhood policing and community safety.

The purpose of this paper is to reflect on the “new” approach to tackling anti-social behaviour outlined in the Anti-Social Behaviour, Crime and Policing Act 2014. Despite it being difficult to ascertain whether such measures will be more inclusive and appropriate than those previously introduced – certainly at this early stage – the authors set out to evaluate the strengths, limitations and challenges of this “new” agenda and in doing so drawing upon the propositions insights from radical moral communitarianism in order to inform the discussion.

The paper takes the form of a conceptual analysis of government policy. The authors draw on the work of a number of key academics and commentators to enhance the discussion.

In many respects, the authors have rehearsed some familiar lines of argument and analysis. Indeed, many of New Labour's anti-social behaviour measures were in many cases counterproductive, particularly in the case of children and young people invariably increasing the likelihood of offending rather than curtailing it. Understanding this, the authors propose that it would appear logical where at all possible to deal with anti-social behaviour informally, that is, outside the formal anti-social behaviour framework and through the comprehensive balanced intervention proposed from a radical moral communitarian perspective which seeks to avoid formal criminalisation except as a last resort. With regard to the “new” anti-social behaviour measures the authors argue that rather than punishing the actions as a contempt of court practitioners need to devise suitable, more appropriate ways of dealing with the matter before them. The Anti-Social Behaviour, Crime and Policing Act (2014) provides practitioners with the space to do this particularly with the process being streamlined and much of the previous bureaucracy removed.

By focusing on the introduction of the “new” anti-social behaviour measures the paper will be of use to local decision makers (i.e. Youth Offending Team practitioners, Police and Crime Commissioners, and Directors of Children's Services). The paper highlights some potential issues and ambiguities that practitioners working within the new anti-social behaviour framework may face.

The authors set out to critically reflect on the “new” powers set out in the recent Anti-Social Behaviour, Crime and Policing Act (2014). Nevertheless, the authors are not offering the paper as an alternative blueprint for dealing with anti-social behaviour but rather seeking to provoke further discussion on some of the potential issues and ambiguities the authors have identified within the new legislation. At the same time, the authors incorporate insights from the radical moral communitarian perspective which promotes a fairer, more equal world, based on mutual respect between all citizens, founded on the notion of commitment to and involvement in society.

Guided by Ericson’s counter-law analytic, the focus of this paper is how peace bonds erode traditional criminal law principles to govern uncertainty and provide applicants with a “freedom from fear” (Ericson, 2007a). Peace bonds permit the courts to impose a recognizance on anyone likely to cause harm or “personal injury” to a complainant. This paper conducts a critical discourse analysis to answer the question: how and to what extent are peace bonds a form of counter-law? Facilitated by the erosion of traditional criminal law principles and rationalized under a precautionary logic, proving that a complainant is fearful through a peace bond can result in the expansion of the state’s capacity to criminalize and conduct surveillance.

This paper aims to examine the policing of youth anti‐social behaviour and crime.

The paper considers the Independent Commission report, Time for a Fresh Start and argues that its analysis would be enhanced by a fuller consideration of the role of the police as gatekeepers to the criminal justice system. As such this represents something of a missed opportunity.

The paper contends that, like many other reviews of youth justice, and proposals for reform, Time for a Fresh Start says relatively little about policing. As gatekeepers and agenda‐setters for much of the criminal justice system, the police occupy a key position. This paper suggests that reform programmes must focus on the role the police play in regulating the flow of young people into the justice system and, in particular, argues in favour of a constructive reappraisal of the value of “diversion”.

Without considering the role the police play in regulating the flow of young people into the justice system, any programme of reform is incomplete. We need to rehabilitate the idea of “diversion” and to rescue it from the one‐sided picture that became dominant from the mid‐1990s onward.

The purpose of this paper is to offer a practitioner’s perspective to the Anti-Social Behaviour Crime and Policing Act 2014. Many of the new sections are now in force and three in particular have been of interest to me in the last 12-18 months.

The paper is written on the basis of the author’s own knowledge, experience and cases that the author has dealt with under the new legislation. Where cases have been published the author has included the relevant links to press coverage.

The financial limitations upon registered provides of social housing (RPs) will affect the way in which they conduct litigation and so might mean that RPs are less likely to want to take risks in court. The new grounds have not faced meaningful challenge yet, and so their use might be limited until case law is developed and settled to provide more certainty in this area.

The perspective is the author’s own and has been written solely by the author for this specific purpose. It is hoped that this will offer insight into the development of anti-social behaviour/housing law and how practitioners view the changes now that they are in force.

To study the problems of alcohol‐related crime in the UK, and to describe the operation of a Pubwatch scheme which attempts to unite the police and the licensees in bringing effective action against those involved.

Reference has been made to Home Office sources to discover the extent of the problem. Schemes which have alleviated the problem have been examined. The general principles of Pubwatch are studied, and then its effectiveness in a specific operation is examined as a case study.

The study has revealed that the police regard Pubwatch as an effective weapon. Some licensees agree, and even believe that its operation can increase.

This study merely reports on the outcome from one licensing authority. It is clear that the impact of Pubwatch must be monitored in more detail and over many areas before its real impact can be determined.

The concept is clearly worthy of consideration for all of the licensed trade. It could become a vital weapon in the campaign towards responsible drinking.

It is hoped that this paper will initiate debate on the scheme, and to examine solutions to the problem of anti‐social behaviour caused by alcohol. Thus it should be of value to licensees and pub owners, the police and local authorities, as well as the public at large.

The introduction of the UK's Criminal Justice Act (CJA) 2003 extended police stop and search powers. It allowed officers to stop and search for articles concerning the commission of the offence of criminal damage. The purpose of this study is to examine whether the act produced a change in the extent and nature of stop/searches.

Data from police‐recorded stops in a southern town are compared for periods before and after the act came into force on January 20, 2004. The same time periods in the previous year are used as comparison groups.

The four key findings are that there was: a large increase in observed compared to expected stop/searches, an increase in the likelihood of individuals of an Asian or Asian British Pakistani origin and Black and Black British of African origin being stopped and searched relative to others. A decrease in the proportion of stop/searches resulting in arrest; and the distribution of arrests being patterned by the ethnicity of a suspect stopped and searched.

The same time periods in the previous year are used as comparison groups since traditional geographically based comparison groups are not feasible to assess policy implemented nationally. The research is a small‐scale study focusing on a 70 day‐time frame to analyze the impact of the CJA 2003, therefore the results generated can be skewed and warrants further research with a longer follow up period.

The effects of extending police stop and search powers under the CJA 2003 are discussed. The findings are examined with regard to their implications for further research and policy.

This paper aims to outline an exploratory study of how a multi-agency, partnership approach to crime prevention might enable the police more effectively to target their utilisation of resources in order both to reduce local levels of criminality and to improve public confidence. It is set against a backdrop of major police reforms that will require police commanders to demonstrate high levels of accountability in terms of resource and financial utilisation, and to show continuing improvement in levels of public confidence.

A case study approach is adopted; it draws upon both primary and secondary data sources and is framed within a situational approach to crime prevention.

There has been a drop in the levels of burglary in those areas where the home improvement initiative (Decent Homes Programme) has been carried out. The tenants consulted as part of the research reported that they felt safer in their homes as a result. Also, their general level of satisfaction with the police and other agencies has improved.

There has been an overall drop in levels of reported crime in terms of burglaries across the UK. It may be asked whether such improvement in Nottingham has been due to a genuine improvement in police performance or is as a consequence of the home improvements. The present paper is a single case study, with no opportunity for a comparative analysis across other police force areas. This limitation could be overcome by other researchers involved in similar Decent Homes Programmes in other cities in the UK.

The research illustrates that multi-agency working may indeed help create an improvement in living conditions for residents. It also identifies the fact that, as a result of successful integrated multi-agency approaches to crime prevention, the police are able to save resources in terms of time spent investigating crime.

This paper adds tangible evidence to theoretical discourse on the benefits of multi-agency work in the context of social housing