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This study aims to investigate why anti-corruption statutes are not efficient in Nigeria’s upstream petroleum industry.

This study is a doctrinal legal research that embraces a point-by-point comparative methodology with a library research technique.

This study reveals that corruption strives on feeble implementation of anti-corruption legal regime and the absence of political will in offering efficient regulatory intervention. Finally, this study finds that anti-corruption organisations in Nigeria are not efficient due to non-existence of the Federal Government’s political will to fight corruption, insufficient funds and absence of stringent implementation of the anti-corruption legal regime in the country.

Investigations reveal during this study that Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) operations are characterised with poor record-keeping, lack of accountability as well as secrecy in the award of oil contracts, oil licence, leases and other financial transactions due to non-disclosure or confidentiality clauses contained in most of these contracts. Also, an arbitration proceeding limit access to their records and some of these agreements under contentions. This has also limited the success of this research work and generalising its findings.

This study recommends, among other reforms, soft law technique and stringent execution of anti-corruption statutes. This study also recommends increment in financial appropriation to Nigeria’s anti-corruption institutions, taking into consideration the finding that a meagre budget is a drawback.

This study reveals that corruption strives on feeble implementation of anti-corruption legal regime and the absence of political will in offering efficient regulatory intervention. Corruption flourishes due to poor enforcement of anti-corruption laws and the absence of political will in offering efficient regulatory intervention by the government.

The study advocates the need for enhancement of anti-corruption agencies' budgets taking into consideration the finding that meagres budgets are challenge of the agencies.

Since South Korea gained a substantial degree of political and economic development, the South Korean government has tried to eradicate corruption by introducing institutional frameworks in addition to a number of new laws and institutions. As a matter of fact, the Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index score of South Korea is improving over time, but it still far behind other leading countries. The purpose of this chapter is to review the South Korean government's efforts at curbing corruption. This chapter first reviews the development of major anti-corruption infrastructure such as the anti-corruption legislation and the South Korean government's independent agency for anti-corruption, followed by discussion of the development of major anti-corruption measures, the international evaluation on corruption, and the role of civil society in curbing corruption. After that, there is a discussion of policy implications and the conclusion.

This paper aims to provide an analysis of National Accountability Ordinance 1999 (NAO) after June 2022 amendments. It raises a key question whether the new legislation is effective and improves anti-corruption operating system in Pakistan.

This paper performs an analysis of recent amendments incorporated in NAO from the observations of superior courts, United Nations Corruption Convention and Financial Action Task Force (FATF) guidelines and also evaluates new legislation in terms of effectiveness in anti-corruption campaign.

This paper finds that ample amendments are inessential, and thus may largely jeopardize accountability process; changes appear to be intentionally crafted to benefit some selected group of people: the definition of asset is compressed; the onus of proof is shifted on the informer; and provisions of money trail, foreign evidence and protection of approver are abolished; such changes defy to the UN Corruption Convention and FATF guidelines. A legislation endorsed from all stakeholders is suggested; additionally, improved strategies proposed to strengthen accountability process while keeping in view the constitutional issues relevant in the course of anti-corruption investigations.

This paper is unique in the context of the anti-corruption strategies in Pakistan, highlighting the legal laxness of new government regarding corruption and money laundering.

Corruption is a serious problem in many Asian countries, judging from their ranking and scores on Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI). To combat corruption these countries have relied on three patterns of corruption control. The first pattern relies on the enactment of anti-corruption laws without a specific agency to enforce these laws. For example in Mongolia, the Law on Anti-Corruption that was introduced in April 1996 is jointly implemented by the police, the General Prosecutor's Office, and the courts (Quah, 2003a, p. 44)¹. The second pattern involves the implementation of anti-corruption laws by several anti-corruption agencies. In India, the Prevention of Corruption Act (POCA) is implemented by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), the Central Vigilance Commission (CVC), and the anti-corruption bureaus and vigilance commissions at the state level (Quah, 2003a, p. 66). Similarly, the Philippines has relied on 18 anti-corruption agencies to enforce the many anti-corruption laws since the Integrity Board was formed by President Quirino in May 1950 (Batalla, 2001, p. 47; Oyamada, 2005, pp. 99–101).

The short answer is no. Notable examples of anti‐corruption laws are available. But there is probably no single example that one would elevate to a definitive universal model. This short briefing will focus first on the multilateral efforts of the Organization of the American States (OAS) against corruption and secondly, on the new anti money‐laundering legislation of the Bahamas with references to other major countries, as another perspective apart from the perspectives of other regions.

New Zealand has had success in combating corruption. It has been ranked consistently as one of the five least corrupt countries in the world. The purpose of this paper is to shed light on this accomplishment.

An analysis of the policies, socio-cultural attributes and historical and geographical elements that have contributed to New Zealand’s success in combating corruption.

New Zealand’s long-term geographical isolation, egalitarian socio-economic and cultural traditions, its close legal and cultural affinity with Britain, and its unique regulatory civil service largely explain its success in combating corruption. Nevertheless, global influences, the absence of a single anti-corruption agency, and changing values may be eroding New Zealand’s record of success.

This paper will be useful to policy makers and those concerned with New Zealand’s recent decline in Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index.

The purpose of this paper is to determine whether anti‐money laundering measures are capable of providing a solution to the growing problem of public sector corruption in Iraq and, if so, the extent to which changes are required to the current Iraqi AML regime to enhance its effectiveness against such corruption.

This paper will initially explore the growing problem of public sector corruption in Iraq and the measures taken to address such corruption. Subsequently, the corruption‐money laundering relationship and the ability of AML measures based on prevailing international standards to serve as an anti‐corruption tool will be analysed. Finally, the current Iraqi AML regime will be examined to observe whether and to what extent changes are required to enhance its effectiveness against public sector corruption.

Considering the widely acknowledged nexus between corruption and money laundering, a robust AML regime can be effectively utilised by Iraq to combat endemic public sector corruption. This regime must involve a system where financial institutions at their own expense monitor transactions and file suspicious transaction reports with the Iraqi Money Laundering Reporting Office. This, in turn, must identify cases from those suspicious transaction reports that require further investigation by Iraqi anti‐corruption bodies and other law enforcement authorities, who should be empowered to investigate, freeze, seize and confiscate the suspected corrupt proceeds. Such a regime would provide a clear avenue for the obtaining of financial intelligence capable of exposing corruption, thereby addressing the fundamental issue presently encountered by Iraqi anti‐corruption bodies. Amendments are, however, needed to Iraqi anti‐money laundering laws to enhance their effectiveness in combating public sector corruption. Most importantly, financial institutions must be required to apply enhanced customer due diligence measures to domestic politically exposed persons.

This paper is a result of a remote analysis of material published in relation to the subject matter of the paper. Local and regional analysis (e.g. including interviews with the relevant agencies) would be required to confirm the practicality of the propositions made in the paper. Further, the draft version of the revised Iraqi anti‐money laundering law was not examined in an in depth manner due to the uncertainty in its status, including, in particular, whether it has been submitted to the Council of Representatives for approval.

Although the topics of corruption in Iraq, the Iraqi AML regime and the corruption‐money laundering relationship have been the subject of academic analysis, the related topics have not collectively been examined to determine whether, and to what extent, the Iraqi AML regime can address the rapidly growing problem of public sector corruption in Iraq. Accordingly, the findings in this paper will be of interest to Iraqi lawmakers, Iraqi law enforcement agencies, Iraqi financial institutions and investors in Iraq, particularly in the oil and gas industry.

As the 21st century moves ahead, it is increasingly evident that globalization and democratization are strong forces playing crucial roles in shaping public sector transformation around the world. For Asian countries, the key questions are, how should selected reform ideas from other countries be diffused, and which parts of one's traditional government and culture should be retained? A common choice among Asian countries is to replace government with governance. Transforming bureaucracies from government to governance involves the acceptance of certain democratic principles such as accountability, openness, transparency, integrity, corruption-free, and high performance standards (Bowornwathana, 2006, pp. 667–680).

The aim of this study is to investigate how Nigeria can seek legal assistance on recovery of its stolen assets to reduce corruption and to ensure no sheltered havens for incomes from corruption.

The research adopts a conceptual method by using existing literature with the application of doctrinal legal research technique. The research likewise uses primary and secondary sources of legislations such as legislative provisions, case laws and the provisions of Chapter V of the United Nations Convention against Corruption and the process of asset recovery. The study compares the United Kingdom, USA, Hong Kong in China, South Africa and Nigeria proceeds of corruption recovery laws to gain basic legal features that would be beneficial to Nigeria in reforming its anti-corruption laws.

The principle of territorial sovereignty under the international law makes the offence of corruption not punishable outside the jurisdiction of the state where the offence was committed. As a result, some developed states boost their economy with these proceeds and the developing states are impoverished. There is also an allegation of discrepancies in the figures of funds recovered by the anti-corruption agencies. Thus, there is the need for transparency; law on civil forfeiture of proceeds of corruption; bilateral treaties; and mutual legal assistance on investigation, confiscation among countries for tracing and returning of proceeds of corruption.

The estimates of the volume of assets looted from Nigeria vary widely because of the complexity of collecting data on proceeds of corruption as official statistics on proceeds of corruption recovered do not exist as each anti-corruption agency occasionally makes pronouncements on the volume of assets recovered without any breakdown in terms of assets seized, nature of assets and their locations and its values. Such data would aid policymakers to measure the effectiveness of the present assets legislations and to enhance its effectiveness.

Considering the clandestine manners corruption is being committed, it is tasking to correctly evaluate the amount of money stolen so, their economic impacts on the nation’s economy.

Absence of accurate data would aid policymakers to measure the effectiveness of the present assets legislations and to enhance its effectiveness.

The study offers modules on management of proceeds of corruption by establishing “Assets Management Commission” and “Proceeds of Corruption Forfeiture Funds” for reparation of victims’ of corruption. The study suggests the necessity for civil forfeiture of proceeds of corruption, which is presently lacking, and creation of Proceeds of Corruption Recovery and Management Commission to manage such proceeds and advocate establishment of “Proceeds of Corruption Forfeiture Funds” for reparation of victims of corruption.

This study aims to investigate the impact of the enforcement of the international anti-bribery legal framework in developing countries.

It uses the PetroTiger case to examine the effects of foreign bribery prosecutions in Colombia, from a bribe-receivers perspective. PetroTiger is a USA-based company that was prosecuted for bribing public officials in Colombia. As a result, the public officials involved were also prosecuted in Colombia for receiving bribes. This case serves to illustrate how international anti-bribery law operates in practice and how it impacts Colombian law enforcement institutions and their capacity to prosecute bribe-receivers. The Colombian response to the international anti-corruption framework is examined in this study through the review of legislative efforts taken to address the problems of bribery and corruption in public procurement.

This study finds that enforcement of foreign bribery laws raise awareness of the situation of corruption in developing countries, generate parallel prosecutions of individuals at the receiving end of bribes and helps developing countries to develop technical expertise to fight corruption.

In practice, due to the transnational nature of foreign bribery, without international agreements, this type of corruption in international business would seldom lead to prosecution. Although the effectiveness of the enforcement of international anti-corruption law is debated, in reality, prosecutions of foreign bribery by developed countries have more positive than negative implications for developing countries.

Assist to continue efforts to deter corruption.

No many studies have looked at the effectiveness of anti-corruption international law in developing countries. As indicated by Mr. Moulette Patrick head of Anti-Corruption Division at organisation for economic co-operation and development more research on the effectiveness of the UN enacted Convention against Corruption, which is what this paper does.