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This study aims to investigate why anti-corruption statutes are not efficient in Nigeria’s upstream petroleum industry.

This study is a doctrinal legal research that embraces a point-by-point comparative methodology with a library research technique.

This study reveals that corruption strives on feeble implementation of anti-corruption legal regime and the absence of political will in offering efficient regulatory intervention. Finally, this study finds that anti-corruption organisations in Nigeria are not efficient due to non-existence of the Federal Government’s political will to fight corruption, insufficient funds and absence of stringent implementation of the anti-corruption legal regime in the country.

Investigations reveal during this study that Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) operations are characterised with poor record-keeping, lack of accountability as well as secrecy in the award of oil contracts, oil licence, leases and other financial transactions due to non-disclosure or confidentiality clauses contained in most of these contracts. Also, an arbitration proceeding limit access to their records and some of these agreements under contentions. This has also limited the success of this research work and generalising its findings.

This study recommends, among other reforms, soft law technique and stringent execution of anti-corruption statutes. This study also recommends increment in financial appropriation to Nigeria’s anti-corruption institutions, taking into consideration the finding that a meagre budget is a drawback.

This study reveals that corruption strives on feeble implementation of anti-corruption legal regime and the absence of political will in offering efficient regulatory intervention. Corruption flourishes due to poor enforcement of anti-corruption laws and the absence of political will in offering efficient regulatory intervention by the government.

The study advocates the need for enhancement of anti-corruption agencies' budgets taking into consideration the finding that meagres budgets are challenge of the agencies.

The purpose of this study is to examine the corruption prevalent in the distribution of COVID-19 palliatives during the lockdown and movement restrictions in the country. This study seeks to analyse the current state of corruption in the distribution of COVID-19 palliatives and public health facilities in Nigeria while also providing a legal insight and strategic blueprint to combat corruption. To this end, this study will address the current legal framework for combating corruption and build upon this to formulate a working strategy for tackling corruption in the future.

Using a doctrinal legal research methodology, this study draws upon existing literature, tertiary data sources and information from the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control. The collected data is analysed and compared with current literature to identify key findings. Rent-seeking and utilitarian theories of the law were examined to guide this study. This study offers useful insights into combating corruption. The use of this method is justified, as it enhances the credibility of the findings on the importance of strategies for future emergencies. This legal research approach is consistent with the law and can be easily verified. The empirical aspect of this study involved a survey of multidimensional health-care and economic data set of 36 states in Nigeria plus the Federal Capital Territory on COVID-19 in Nigeria. A survey linearised regression model was estimated to determine the influence of government revenue and public health-care facilities in the control of the virus spread in Nigeria.

This study reveals the need for emphasis on the imperative of combating corruption in the distribution of COVID-19 palliatives and establishing economic resilience through transparent and accountable practices, supported by legal frameworks.

Rent-seeking and utilitarian theories of law are evaluated because of their impacts on combating corruption. The limitation of this study is the intricacy of gathering data on COVID-19 palliatives corruption in Nigeria because of secrecy and the absence of reliable data on the subject.

Estimating the exact number of stolen palliatives and their fiscal impact on Nigeria's economy proves to be a formidable task because of the covert nature of corruption. This study equips policymakers in Nigeria with a better understanding of the legal challenges posed by corruption in the health care sector and provides an effective strategy to combat it.

The lack of reliable data on the extent of palliative theft hinders the ability of lawmakers to enact effective legislation and strategies for combating corruption in the distribution of COVID-19 palliatives and addressing future emergencies in Nigeria. The policy implications of this study can assist policymakers in Nigeria and other countries in formulating measures to combat corruption in the distribution of COVID-19 palliatives and other future emergencies. Furthermore, it recommends the overhaul of anti-corruption laws and mechanisms in Nigeria to ensure effective measures against corruption.

In conclusion, this study contributes to knowledge by proposing a legal model centred on people's participation to enhance transparency and accountability in future palliative distribution processes. This study recommends legal strategies that can effectively address corruption in future emergencies or shocks. This study proposes a strategic blueprint to tackle corruption in the future. This blueprint includes an analysis of existing laws and regulations, as well as potential policy changes and legislative reform. This study also includes recommendations for improved enforcement and oversight mechanisms and for improved public awareness and education. As part of this, this study considers the potential for public–private partnerships to increase transparency and accountability in public health and health-care services.

This study aims to examine the impact of corporate governance (CG) on anti-corruption disclosure (A-CD), paying particular attention to the FTSE 100. Notably, it examines how board and audit committees’ characteristics affect the quantity and quality of anti-corruption disclosure.

Data from FTSE 100 firms, spanning the period from 2014 to 2020, were analysed using the regression of the Poisson fixed effect and GEE analyses.

The findings show that gender diversity, audit committee expertise and the independence of the audit committee are positively associated with both quantity and quality of anti-corruption disclosure. Notably, no statistically significant relationships were identified between anti-corruption disclosure and factors such as board size, role duality or board meetings.

The findings provide valuable insights for decision-makers and regulatory bodies, shedding light on the elements that compel UK companies to enhance their anti-corruption disclosure and governance protocols to alleviate corruption and propel efforts towards ethical behaviour.

This study makes a notable contribution to the sparse body of evidence by examining the influence of board and audit committee attributes on anti-corruption disclosure subsequent to the implementation of the UK Bribery Act in 2010. Specifically, to the best of the authors’ knowledge, this study assesses for the first time the impact of board and audit committee mechanisms on both the quantity and quality of anti-corruption disclosure.

Building upon institutional pressures on firms to deal with corruption, this study aims to investigate the association between a firm's engagement with anti-corruption disclosure quality (ACD_Q) and earnings management (EM). Also, this study examines the moderating role of audit quality in the association between ACD_Q and EM.

The authors constructed an ACD_Q index based on the 2010 UK Bribery Act and taking into account a wide range of rules on corruption and bribery, including those of the OECD, World Bank, UNCTAD, UNGC, UNCAC and GRI. Generalized method of moments and panel regression were used to examine the association between ACD_Q and EM.

Using a sample of 2,695 firm‐year observations of the UK’s FTSE-350 from 2008 to 2018, this study finds ACD_Q is negatively associated with EM. In addition, this negative relationship is contingent on audit committee independence and audit committee expertise. This finding is supported by additional robustness and sensitivity analysis.

The empirical evidence reiterates the crucial need for more concerted efforts to ensure corporate engagement in anti-corruption practices with a view to reducing earnings manipulations.

This study contributes to the limited evidence that investigates how ACD Q influences EM in the UK after the introduction of the UK Bribery Act in 2010. Furthermore, by considering the period from 2008 to 2019, this study investigates the potential moderating role of UK corporate governance reforms in EM reduction. In particular, to the best of the authors’ knowledge, this study assesses for the first time the moderating effect of audit committee mechanisms on the ACD Q and EM nexus.

This study aims to examine the effect of governance on the consumption of modern renewable energy in the East African Community (EAC), controlling for economic growth, trade openness and foreign direct investment (FDI).

The study relied on secondary data sourced from the World Development Indicators, World Governance Indicators and the International Energy Agency (IEA) for the EAC from 1996 to 2019. A panel Cross-Sectional Augmented Distributed Lag (CS-ARDL) model and second-generation panel data models were employed in the analysis.

The findings indicate that poor governance and inadequate FDI are significantly responsible for the low level of modern renewable energy consumption (MREC) in the EAC. On the other hand, trade openness significantly enhances MREC, while GDP per capita has no significant effect on MREC.

The consumption of modern renewable energy sources (excluding the traditional use of biomass) and its determinants, as most studies focus on renewable energy consumption as a whole. The study also employed the panel CS-ARDL model and second-generation panel data models.

Foreign whistleblowers are foreign citizens who help national enforcement authorities to sanction both foreign-based corporations and home-based corporations that engage in economic crime. This paper aims to investigate the expansion of US law in the area of transnational economic crime by discussing the case of foreign whistleblowers.

This paper has been developed from a literature review carried out as part of a wider study into policing international bribery.

This paper shows that extraterritorial application of US whistleblowing laws is part of a broad trend associated with extraterritorial enforcement of US anti-corruption statutes such as the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA). The extraterritorial reach of the FCPA and other statutes allowed the USA to become the leader in sanctioning US corporations as well as non-US corporations for economic crime. In effect, some US enforcement practices have become the standard that has influenced law and law enforcement in other countries as well as internal compliance of corporations.

In spite of the profound impact foreign whistleblowing has on the effectiveness of national anti-corruption enforcement, this topic has been largely neglected by academic research. To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this paper is the first to provide an overview of the role of foreign whistleblowers and the significant impact foreign whistleblowing has for legal reform in European countries and internal compliance of corporations in Europe and beyond.

Corruption is a long-standing challenge in Nigeria. The country’s development crises, including widespread poverty and insecurity, have direct and indirect links to corruption. The paradox of corruption in Nigeria is that political elites have politicised its elimination: while preaching anti-corruption, they are still neck-deep in corrupt practices. The purpose of this study centres on Nigeria’s anti-corruption crusade in the context of its effectiveness in attracting global support for external loot recovery. A related preoccupation of this study is to unravel the extent to which Nigeria’s anti-corruption accomplishments or otherwise have shaped international perception.

This study adopts a qualitative research design. It draws from primary data generated from 25 key informant interviews and complemented with secondary data from archival materials to examine Nigeria’s anti-corruption crusade, especially global perception and its overall implication in motorising the country’s quest for external loot recovery. It deploys unstructured interview guide to generate data from the key informants.

This study unveils three interrelated issues: since 1999, the promise of eliminating corruption from Nigeria’s body politic has been a recurring campaign theme without corresponding credible action against it. Although anti-corruption agencies exist in Nigeria, the country’s corruption profile is high, an indication of their ineffectiveness. The persistence of corruption has resulted in poor national image, thereby shaping negative international perception about Nigeria. The politicisation of Nigeria’s anti-corruption crusade has undermined international support and created uncertainty in the country’s quest for the recovery of its looted national funds.

The negative perception of the international community about the commitment of the Nigerian Government in fighting corruption has negative implications on the strategic partnership necessary for loot recovery across the globe.

The overall social implication is loss of global support for Nigeria’s anti-corruption drive, including its quest to recover its stolen national assets and other forms of international assistance for national development.

The value of this study is two-fold, one, its recency and originality in terms of interrogating the interconnections between domestic efforts at anti-corruption and global perception of such efforts; and two, the contextualisation of the compromised efficiency of Nigeria’s anti-graft agenda and its overall implications in securing global support for external loot recovery.

This study aims to examine the participation of the Parliament of Tanzania in the fight against corruption in the country.

A desk-based research approach based on the review of documents and legal instruments was used.

The results of this study show that the Parliament of Tanzania has a chequered performance in fighting corruption. While it has passed several anti-corruption-related laws and in some respects succeeded to hold a few government officials accountable for the abuse of public office, there is little evidence to demonstrate its contribution at fighting this conundrum. Factors contributing to this deficiency include irresponsiveness to corruption allegations involving Members of Parliament, parliament’s remote oversight of the anti-corruption agency and shrinking democratic space in the parliament.

Tanzania has relatively high corruption levels. The country’s Development Vision 2025 envisages a nation free of corruption. Hence, efforts are needed from public and private sectors to overcome this conundrum. The parliament holds a special place in that fight. Through its representation, legislative and oversight roles and powers, parliament has a wider opportunity to strengthen anti-corruption in the country. This study shows that the Parliament of Tanzania has not been very effective in that regard. It offers suggestions to strengthen the parliament’s position and engagement to fight corruption.

There is scanty literature on the role of the Parliament of Tanzania in fighting corruption. This study is seminal, as it investigates the Tanzanian anti-corruption arsenal from a crucial organ that is vested with constitutional powers to make laws and oversee the executive and its agencies.

The paper aims to critically evaluate the legal provisions related to Kuwait’s financial disclosure system and whether its anti-corruption measures are sufficient. The hypothesis supposes that there is a possible correlation between Kuwait’s laws and regulations and the disclosure system’s failure to detect illicit enrichment crimes.

This doctrinal and reform-oriented study examined Kuwait’s procedures for assessing public officials’ financial statements and the laws regulating illicit enrichment crimes. The content analysis explored criminal courts’ judgements of these illicit enrichment cases.

Although the disclosure system’s primary role is to detect illicit wealth, the findings suggest that it fails to achieve its primary objective. The findings also highlight the system’s major challenges to suggest possible reforms.

A comprehensive evaluation of the legal provisions within Kuwait’s disclosure system is beyond the scope. To improve the system’s effectiveness, adopting an accessible online platform on which filers can submit their disclosure statements and follow up with a verification process is recommended. Also, requiring interested individuals to physically visit a location where the disclosure information is held can balance protecting officials’ privacy/security and offering individuals the ability to verify the declared information.

To the best of the author’s knowledge, this study is the first to research the possible correlation between the issues in the Kuwaiti disclosure system’s legal provisions and its failure to detect illicit enrichment during major criminal scandals. It is also the first to analyse these legal provisions and present a critical evaluation of their shortcomings.

Recent developments in the EU’s anti-corruption strategy have brought the EU closer to meeting the UNCAC’s objectives, i.e. the Proposal for a Directive on combating corruption (2023) and the Proposal for a Directive on Asset Recovery and Confiscation (2022). This paper aims to discuss these developments from the perspective of the UNCAC, to identify missing elements in the EU’s asset recovery mechanisms.

Critical approach towards EU anti-corruption policy (discussing the problems and solutions). Review of EU developments in asset recovery law.

There is a political will on the part of the EU to fight corruption through the rules enshrined in the UNCAC. However, improving EU law by introducing a new type of confiscation of unexplained wealth and criminalising illicit enrichment, without establishing convergent rules for the return of corrupt assets from EU territory to the countries of origin, cannot be seen as sufficient action to achieve the UNCAC’s objectives. In modelling mechanisms of the return of assets, the EU should search for solutions to overcome the difficulties resulting from the ordre public clause remaining a significant factor conditioning mutual legal assistance.

This paper discusses the possible input of the EU, as a non-State Party to the UNCAC, to advance implementing the UNCAC solutions on asset recovery by establishing convergent rules for the return of corrupt assets from EU territory to countries of origin.