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This study aims to investigate why anti-corruption statutes are not efficient in Nigeria’s upstream petroleum industry.

This study is a doctrinal legal research that embraces a point-by-point comparative methodology with a library research technique.

This study reveals that corruption strives on feeble implementation of anti-corruption legal regime and the absence of political will in offering efficient regulatory intervention. Finally, this study finds that anti-corruption organisations in Nigeria are not efficient due to non-existence of the Federal Government’s political will to fight corruption, insufficient funds and absence of stringent implementation of the anti-corruption legal regime in the country.

Investigations reveal during this study that Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) operations are characterised with poor record-keeping, lack of accountability as well as secrecy in the award of oil contracts, oil licence, leases and other financial transactions due to non-disclosure or confidentiality clauses contained in most of these contracts. Also, an arbitration proceeding limit access to their records and some of these agreements under contentions. This has also limited the success of this research work and generalising its findings.

This study recommends, among other reforms, soft law technique and stringent execution of anti-corruption statutes. This study also recommends increment in financial appropriation to Nigeria’s anti-corruption institutions, taking into consideration the finding that a meagre budget is a drawback.

This study reveals that corruption strives on feeble implementation of anti-corruption legal regime and the absence of political will in offering efficient regulatory intervention. Corruption flourishes due to poor enforcement of anti-corruption laws and the absence of political will in offering efficient regulatory intervention by the government.

The study advocates the need for enhancement of anti-corruption agencies' budgets taking into consideration the finding that meagres budgets are challenge of the agencies.

Corruption is a serious problem in many Asian countries, judging from their ranking and scores on Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI). To combat corruption these countries have relied on three patterns of corruption control. The first pattern relies on the enactment of anti-corruption laws without a specific agency to enforce these laws. For example in Mongolia, the Law on Anti-Corruption that was introduced in April 1996 is jointly implemented by the police, the General Prosecutor's Office, and the courts (Quah, 2003a, p. 44)¹. The second pattern involves the implementation of anti-corruption laws by several anti-corruption agencies. In India, the Prevention of Corruption Act (POCA) is implemented by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), the Central Vigilance Commission (CVC), and the anti-corruption bureaus and vigilance commissions at the state level (Quah, 2003a, p. 66). Similarly, the Philippines has relied on 18 anti-corruption agencies to enforce the many anti-corruption laws since the Integrity Board was formed by President Quirino in May 1950 (Batalla, 2001, p. 47; Oyamada, 2005, pp. 99–101).

In this study, the authors examine the issue of corruption in the government institutions of developing countries. Additionally, this study aims to answer the following research question: How do developing countries implement and enforce these anti-corruption policies? Specifically, the authors look at the laws adopted in different developing countries to deal with issues related to corruption.

The authors use the qualitative approach to examine the causes of recent corruption among government officials in developing countries such as Nigeria, India, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Uganda. A comparative approach was used to compare and contrast the anti-corruption practices of developing and developed countries.

The findings indicate that corruption is rampant in much of the developing world. On a positive note, the authors have found evidence of actions taken by governments in these developing economies to rapidly deal with issues of corruption. All the countries analyzed in this paper have developed anti-corruption policies and related acts to detect and punish the perpetrators of corruption.

This paper provides a greater insight as to how the anti-corruption policies are formulated and enforced in the developing world. Specifically, the authors provide examples of different emerging countries and their approaches to developing and enforcing anti-corruption policies. This guidance can help others around the world to deal with anti-corruption policies in their countries. Although the authors have learned a lot about the detrimental effects of corruption and laws enacted to combat it, the next step is to examine the processes used by the developing countries to develop these anti-corruption laws and policies.

Since South Korea gained a substantial degree of political and economic development, the South Korean government has tried to eradicate corruption by introducing institutional frameworks in addition to a number of new laws and institutions. As a matter of fact, the Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index score of South Korea is improving over time, but it still far behind other leading countries. The purpose of this chapter is to review the South Korean government's efforts at curbing corruption. This chapter first reviews the development of major anti-corruption infrastructure such as the anti-corruption legislation and the South Korean government's independent agency for anti-corruption, followed by discussion of the development of major anti-corruption measures, the international evaluation on corruption, and the role of civil society in curbing corruption. After that, there is a discussion of policy implications and the conclusion.

Chapters 2–6 have dealt in turn with how Denmark, Finland, Hong Kong, New Zealand, and Singapore have been effective in curbing corruption, as manifested in their rankings and scores on the five international indicators of the perceived extent of corruption. In contrast, Chapter 7 focuses on India’s ineffective anti-corruption measures and identifies the lessons which India can learn from their success in fighting corruption. The aim of this concluding chapter is twofold: to describe and compare the different paths taken by these six countries in their battle against corruption; and to identify the lessons which other countries can learn from their experiences in combating corruption. However, as the policy contexts of these six countries differ significantly, it is necessary to begin by providing an analysis of their contextual constraints before proceeding to compare their anti-corruption strategies and identifying the relevant lessons for other countries.

A new republic has just begun in Nigeria in 2015 with the election of two anti-corruption crusaders as President and Vice president, respectively. Although very few empirical studies exist on the subject of corruption within the justice system in Nigeria the intolerable popular impression is that the machinery of justice in Nigeria is quite notoriously corrupt. The aim of this paper is to identify strategies and mechanisms that will enhance the professionalism, effectiveness, integrity, accountability and transparency of the organisations within Nigeria’s administration of justice system both at the federal and state levels including Ministries of Justice, the Police, the Prison Service, immigration, customs and even the Bar.

Literature research is used to examine the problem. The author looks at corruption in the context of Nigerian laws. He tabulates the offences within the scope of the prohibition against corruption in Nigeria, as well as the incidences of corruption within the various sections of the criminal justice system. The prescriptive recommendations are divided into short-, medium- and long-term measures.

That corruption is actually prevalent in all areas of the Nigerian justice system. It is crucial that an impression must be made by the new administration in this area within a very short frame of time to arrest the situation and to reverse the damage caused so far.

Word limit has not enabled us to go into deeper analysis. Lack of objective studies done from within the Nigeria justice sector itself on the manifestation of corruption.

Very original analysis based on unique insight into the issue as academics, lawyers and practitioners within Nigerian anticorruption institutions.

The purpose of this study is provide a critical overview of compliance with anti-money laundering and combating the financing of terrorism, insider trading and anti-corruption laws in Russia.

The mixed approach for this article will be used with some elements of grounded theory. The method used includes the following: observations, various interviews and analysis of legal documents and other primary sources.

Russian regulatory compliance has a tremendous pressure and significant challenges for both regulators and regulated banks and organizations. It is a moment when Russia could become a more developed country and play a bigger role in international arena or come back to the past time.

The article is based on my practical experience and PhD research observations.

Despite an intensified anti-corruption campaign, China's economic growth and social transition continue to breed loopholes and opportunities for big corruption, leading to a money-oriented mentality and the collapse of ethical standards, and exposing the communist regime to greater risk of losing moral credibility and political trust. In Hong Kong, the setting up of the Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) in 1974 marked the advent of a new comprehensive strategy to eradicate corruption and to rebuild trust in government. The ICAC was not just an anti-corruption enforcement agency per se, but an institution spearheading and representing integrity and governance transformation. This chapter considers how mainland China can learn from Hong Kong's experience and use the fight against corruption as a major political strategy to win the hearts and minds of the population and reform governance in the absence of more fundamental constitutional reforms, in a situation similar to Hong Kong's colonial administration of the 1970s–1980s deploying administrative means to minimize a political crisis.

The purpose of this study is to examine the corruption prevalent in the distribution of COVID-19 palliatives during the lockdown and movement restrictions in the country. This study seeks to analyse the current state of corruption in the distribution of COVID-19 palliatives and public health facilities in Nigeria while also providing a legal insight and strategic blueprint to combat corruption. To this end, this study will address the current legal framework for combating corruption and build upon this to formulate a working strategy for tackling corruption in the future.

Using a doctrinal legal research methodology, this study draws upon existing literature, tertiary data sources and information from the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control. The collected data is analysed and compared with current literature to identify key findings. Rent-seeking and utilitarian theories of the law were examined to guide this study. This study offers useful insights into combating corruption. The use of this method is justified, as it enhances the credibility of the findings on the importance of strategies for future emergencies. This legal research approach is consistent with the law and can be easily verified. The empirical aspect of this study involved a survey of multidimensional health-care and economic data set of 36 states in Nigeria plus the Federal Capital Territory on COVID-19 in Nigeria. A survey linearised regression model was estimated to determine the influence of government revenue and public health-care facilities in the control of the virus spread in Nigeria.

This study reveals the need for emphasis on the imperative of combating corruption in the distribution of COVID-19 palliatives and establishing economic resilience through transparent and accountable practices, supported by legal frameworks.

Rent-seeking and utilitarian theories of law are evaluated because of their impacts on combating corruption. The limitation of this study is the intricacy of gathering data on COVID-19 palliatives corruption in Nigeria because of secrecy and the absence of reliable data on the subject.

Estimating the exact number of stolen palliatives and their fiscal impact on Nigeria's economy proves to be a formidable task because of the covert nature of corruption. This study equips policymakers in Nigeria with a better understanding of the legal challenges posed by corruption in the health care sector and provides an effective strategy to combat it.

The lack of reliable data on the extent of palliative theft hinders the ability of lawmakers to enact effective legislation and strategies for combating corruption in the distribution of COVID-19 palliatives and addressing future emergencies in Nigeria. The policy implications of this study can assist policymakers in Nigeria and other countries in formulating measures to combat corruption in the distribution of COVID-19 palliatives and other future emergencies. Furthermore, it recommends the overhaul of anti-corruption laws and mechanisms in Nigeria to ensure effective measures against corruption.

In conclusion, this study contributes to knowledge by proposing a legal model centred on people's participation to enhance transparency and accountability in future palliative distribution processes. This study recommends legal strategies that can effectively address corruption in future emergencies or shocks. This study proposes a strategic blueprint to tackle corruption in the future. This blueprint includes an analysis of existing laws and regulations, as well as potential policy changes and legislative reform. This study also includes recommendations for improved enforcement and oversight mechanisms and for improved public awareness and education. As part of this, this study considers the potential for public–private partnerships to increase transparency and accountability in public health and health-care services.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the government of Brunei’s anti-corruption programme.

A range of sources are used including online materials from Brunei government websites, reports of international organisations, press articles, conference papers, a thesis case study, journal articles, a book, chapters in books, and interviews with an officer working with the Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB) of Brunei.

The paper considers the factors that contribute to government corruption, and the measures to combat it. These include various laws to combat corruption and the work of the ACB in enforcing these laws and in undertaking major initiatives of prevention and education. The effectiveness of these measures are assessed and a number of recommendations are made of direct and indirect measures improve the programme to combat corruption. The paper points to the moderately favourable rankings and ratings that Brunei has earned in combating corruption, which is well above neighbouring countries where corruption is still widespread, but noticeably below the rankings and ratings of the least corrupt countries. However, it argues that further progress to combat corruption may be difficult, as a result of the lack accountability and limited transparency, which are essential features of Brunei’s system of government based on absolute monarchy. Also hindering further progress is the inbuilt protection of the privileges of the Malay community within the country, which protects their role in the civil service and the business sector.

The paper is the first scholarly examination of the anti-corruption programme in Brunei.