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1 – 10 of 74Thalia Anthony, Juanita Sherwood, Harry Blagg and Kieran Tranter
Julie Stubbs, Sophie Russell, Eileen Baldry, David Brown, Chris Cunneen and Melanie Schwartz
Kate L. Daunt, Dominique A. Greer, Hyun Seung Jin and Isabella Orpen
Understanding individual susceptibility to political fake news is critical because fake news can target specific psychological profiles of vulnerable individuals. Consequently…
Abstract
Purpose
Understanding individual susceptibility to political fake news is critical because fake news can target specific psychological profiles of vulnerable individuals. Consequently, this research examines five individual risk (i.e. susceptibility) and resilience (i.e. protective) factors, conspiracy mentality, patriotism, perceived threat to freedom, media literacy and concern for disinformation, to determine if they inform belief in political fake news and subsequently, to what degree belief impacts private engagement with political fake news.
Design/methodology/approach
Using a fictional political fake news stimulus, the authors conducted a deductive thematic analysis of 10 semi-structured interviews and an online survey of 722 United Kingdom (UK) citizens analysed using structural equation modelling.
Findings
Conspiracy mentality and patriotism were positively associated with belief in political fake news, while media literacy and concern for disinformation were negatively associated with belief in political fake news. Perceived threat to freedom was a strong theme in the qualitative data but had no statistical effect on belief in political fake news. Belief in political fake news was positively associated with further engagement with the fake news story, acting as a mediator in the model.
Originality/value
Distinct from previous research that focuses on partisanship and sharing behaviour, this research forwards a model underpinned by social identity theory to build an integrated understanding of political fake news belief. The results demonstrate that political identity motivations beyond partisanship are salient when examining individual susceptibility to political fake news and that belief in political fake news plays a core role in understanding subsequent private engagement with the story.
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Anthony Sopuruchi Anih, Patrik Alexander Söderberg and Kaj Björkqvist
This study aims to examine the relationship between exposure to the Fulani herdsmen attacks among Igbo adolescents in Southeastern Nigeria and depression. Although previous…
Abstract
Purpose
This study aims to examine the relationship between exposure to the Fulani herdsmen attacks among Igbo adolescents in Southeastern Nigeria and depression. Although previous research suggests a direct relationship between armed conflict and depression to exist, it is not known from the literature whether there are indirect paths involved. In a conditional process analysis, it was examined whether physical punishment mediated and gender moderated this relationship.
Design/methodology/approach
A sample of 385 secondary school students (227 girls, 157 boys; Mage = 16.3; SD = 1.35) completed a questionnaire during class. Variables in the analysis were measured with reliable scales. The conditional process analysis was conducted with PROCESS.
Findings
Exposure to the Fulani herdsmen attacks predicted depressive symptoms among the adolescents, and the effect was partially mediated by the experiences of physical punishment at home. The indirect effect on depression via physical punishment at home was stronger for girls than boys, whereas the direct effect of exposure to the Fulani herdsmen attacks on depression was stronger for boys than girls.
Research limitations/implications
Because the research design was cross-sectional and not longitudinal, interpretations about causal relationships should be made with caution.
Originality/value
The novel findings suggest that living in an environment of armed conflict may exacerbate parents’ use of physical punishment, which in turn may lead to increased levels of depressive symptoms in adolescents.
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Ellen Ernst Kossek, Brenda A. Lautsch, Matthew B. Perrigino, Jeffrey H. Greenhaus and Tarani J. Merriweather
Work-life flexibility policies (e.g., flextime, telework, part-time, right-to-disconnect, and leaves) are increasingly important to employers as productivity and well-being…
Abstract
Work-life flexibility policies (e.g., flextime, telework, part-time, right-to-disconnect, and leaves) are increasingly important to employers as productivity and well-being strategies. However, policies have not lived up to their potential. In this chapter, the authors argue for increased research attention to implementation and work-life intersectionality considerations influencing effectiveness. Drawing on a typology that conceptualizes flexibility policies as offering employees control across five dimensions of the work role boundary (temporal, spatial, size, permeability, and continuity), the authors develop a model identifying the multilevel moderators and mechanisms of boundary control shaping relationships between using flexibility and work and home performance. Next, the authors review this model with an intersectional lens. The authors direct scholars’ attention to growing workforce diversity and increased variation in flexibility policy experiences, particularly for individuals with higher work-life intersectionality, which is defined as having multiple intersecting identities (e.g., gender, caregiving, and race), that are stigmatized, and link to having less access to and/or benefits from societal resources to support managing the work-life interface in a social context. Such an intersectional focus would address the important need to shift work-life and flexibility research from variable to person-centered approaches. The authors identify six research considerations on work-life intersectionality in order to illuminate how traditionally assumed work-life relationships need to be revisited to address growing variation in: access, needs, and preferences for work-life flexibility; work and nonwork experiences; and benefits from using flexibility policies. The authors hope that this chapter will spur a conversation on how the work-life interface and flexibility policy processes and outcomes may increasingly differ for individuals with higher work-life intersectionality compared to those with lower work-life intersectionality in the context of organizational and social systems that may perpetuate growing work-life and job inequality.
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Constantin Bratianu, Alexeis Garcia-Perez, Francesca Dal Mas and Denise Bedford