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Cincinnati manufacturers before World War I displayed substantial unity in pursuing the open shop. San Francisco employers were divided, in both their attitudes and their actions, on how to deal with unions. I treat these differences in terms of business class formation. My explanation emphasizes how racial dynamics, class relations, and citizenship practices, acting in cumulative historical sequences, shaped employer solidarity and ideology.

The purpose of this article is to contribute to the discussion on criticality in international business by proposing an interconnection between organizational managerialism and the construction of a global managerial order.

Explores the theoretical divide within critical management studies and the challenge provided to theory by internationalization/globalization. Using the case study of the World Bank, examines its organic drive to global governmentality. Examines relevance of C. Wright Mills's theory of the power élite to the advent of a global managerial élite.

Neither purely realist nor constructivist accounts offer an adequate framework for critical study of international business. Using an approach acknowledging the interweaving of materiality and discourse in construction of a global order, argues that transnational institutions, including the World Bank, play a key role in implementing networked global managerialism. Updates critical élite theory to accommodate globalization and the rise of organized civil society.

Further challenges include mapping global managerial élites and their interconnections.

Critical management researchers should pay more attention to the interconnection between organization‐based theories of control and broader human systems.

Contributes to the application of theories of managerial control beyond the intra‐organizational context.

Communications regarding this column should be addressed to Mrs. Cheney, Peabody Library School, Nashville, Tenn. 37203. Mrs. Cheney does not sell the books listed here. They are available through normal trade sources. Mrs. Cheney, being a member of the editorial board of Pierian Press, will not review Pierian Press reference books in this column. Descriptions of Pierian Press reference books will be included elsewhere in this publication.

In attempts to defuse racial tensions on campus, higher education administrators have often commissioned special units and campus-wide initiatives. Historically, these commissions often address racial challenges in higher education that impact both faculty and students. If designed and deployed carefully, these commissions can be very useful mechanisms to address sensitive racial, religious, and linguistic concerns on campus. Despite the prevalence of studies that discuss racial experiences on campus, far less scholarship has focused on the effectiveness of these commissions and the dialogic strategies that faculty of color have employed in their service.

This study draws on three major findings. First, the chapter explores why the presidential commission structure is a powerful mechanism for improving dialogue about racial and ethnic issues on campus. Former commissioners discuss its potential for addressing the complex and interlocking concerns of faculty, staff, and students of color. Second, although the commission’s structure is promising, we present numerous problems that require further attention. We discuss how the emphasis on dialogue and less dedication to targeted actions and policies may actually undermine the goals of commissions like these and further frustrate aggrieved faculty, staff, and students. Third, the chapter highlights successful and unsuccessful strategies for sustaining fruitful dialogue that lead to an increased understanding and acceptance of diverse viewpoints and perspectives. These findings have specific relevance for international faculty and faculty of color interested in ways to be more proactive in shaping existing programs, policies, and approaches to meet the diverse needs of university life.

In this chapter the author subjects some aspects of Roosevelt’s “New Deal” to critical analysis, demonstrating the limits to reform given the power of “vested interests” as articulated by Thorstein Veblen. While progressive economists and others are generally favorably disposed toward the New Deal, a critical perspective casts doubt on the progressive nature of the various programs instituted during the Roosevelt administrations. The New Deal was shaped by the institutional forces then dominant in the U.S., including the segregationist system of the South. In the end, “vested interests” dictated what transpired, but what did transpire required a modification of the understanding of the standard ideological perspective of capitalism, “liberalism.”

Society is struggling to adapt to a new order of human needs and priorities, and a leading futurist questions whether traditional concepts of free enterprise, profit and private property can adequately cope with the complex pressures of dwindling resources, inflation, and unemployment.

Peace is a very precious commodity. It is being concealed by a number of other goals. All the great living religions‐revealed or non‐revealed are strongly committed to peace. This is even more true for the three Abrahamic faiths‐Judaism, Christianity and finally Islam. Unfortunately, the history of world events during last few decades attests to the fact that there exist more suspicions, distrusts, enmity, hatred and anger among the believers belonging to these three faiths than the others. The reason being the primary goals pertaining to political, socio‐cultural and economic pursued by the Christian‐dominated West are predominated by the goal of supremacy and domination and not of coexistence and cooperation. In pursuing these goals the Christian including the Jewish dominated West are pursuing the philosophy of moneytheism, liberalism, modernism and secularism. The Muslims living either in their own lands or in the West being the victims of their own despotic and autocratic rulers and their Western sympathisers are forced to take recourse to equally unjust methods branded as terrorism. Having realised the need for peaceful coexistence, this paper advocates for a thorough transformation as far as the basic goals are concerned. In order to achieve this, the existing academic, cultural and religious institutions and media need to undergo transformation based on an acceptable moral education on behaviours, norms and practices.