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This article seeks to explore the role of the mental health professional when involved with assessment and management of individuals with a history of online sexual activity. This is a relatively new area for many professionals, who are often unaware of the novel and expanding theoretical base for work in this area. A review is provided of the aetiological theories relating to online sexual activity.

The author attempts to provide an ethnography of a set of medical ideas and of their relationship to a distinctive religious system and to raise some questions about the nature of ethnographic description.

Although most aetiological theories of crime assume that offenders are a distinct subset of the population, there is evidence that many illegal acts are committed by people who have no convictions and are therefore not regarded as criminals. The question consequently arises as to whether there are aspects of illegal actions that set convicted offenders apart. The paper aims to discuss these issues.

To answer this, a 45-item self-report questionnaire was administered to two samples (males 15-29 years): 185 prisoners and 80 young men without convictions.

The results draw attention to a distinguishing psychological dimension of instrumentality operating across the range of offence forms. Convicted offenders are more likely to commit crimes for direct gratification with intent when compared with the sorts of illegal activities that non-convicted respondents report they have done.

Careful matching of convicted criminals and those without convictions is extremely difficult. Future research that explores other non-criminal samples would therefore be of value.

Interventions with people who commit crimes need to carefully distinguish between those who are determined criminals and those whose activities are more likely to be part of an opportunistic culture.

The results challenge conceptualisation of criminals and criminality as something always distinct from those without convictions. It thus has implications for what theories of crime should seek to explain. The significance of instrumentality also give further force to the legal emphasis on men's area.

Depressive disorder has been defined by increasingly specific neurophysiological mechanisms and features during the past two decades. At the same time, depression has grown into an epidemic proportion and become a major public health problem. Consequently, the scope of depressive experience and conduct has also widened and the meaning of depression has multiplied and become equivocal. This chapter analyses how this tension is handled in current Western mental health care. The focus of the study is the role of neuroscientific views in mental health reasoning and practice. The empirical case is the mental health discussion in Finland from the late 1980s to the present day. The analysis of the historical change in understandings of depression in Finnish psychiatry and mental health care provides a view of the relevance of neuroscientific models in defining depressive illness and outlining diagnostic and treatment practices. Moreover, the analysis brings forth the relationship of neuroscientific concepts to other ways of defining depression – epidemiology, diagnostic classification, psychodynamic and other psychological theories – within clinical reasoning. A conclusion to be drawn from the analysis of the Finnish case is that neurobiological concepts of depression have only limited influence on the ways in which the disorder is conceived within the practical context of mental health care. It seems that the idea of depression as a multi-factorial disorder remains a good enough conceptual framework for clinical practice. Even the influence of neurosciences on treatment is still somewhat marginal. Within current practices of depression management, it is not the brain that is treated but risks, symptoms, and persons.

The aim of this paper is to provide up‐to‐date discussion of the types of factors used to assess sexual offenders risk.

The current status of the factors used to assess risk in sexual offenders is examined.

Risk factors broadly fall into two categories: static factors (i.e. generally unchangeable information such as previous offence history) from which a number of actuarial scales have been developed; and dynamic factors (i.e. psychological dispositions) that are typically identified in treatment. It is suggested that these risk factors are artefacts of the same behavioural and psychological vulnerabilities at different stages of assessment, with static factors acting as markers for underlying dispositions, while dynamic factors are the underlying dispositions.

The paper discusses in some detail the status of age as a risk factor, where even though it is typically considered a static risk factor in a number of actuarial scales (allowance typically being made if individuals are over/under 25), there is a dynamic element (i.e. change with age or the passage of time) to this aspect of assessment.

This paper may be useful to practitioners working in the field, in terms of providing a useful heuristic framework for risk conceptualisation.

The more severe cases of mental subnormality have shown a fairly random social distribution, but mild subnormality is typically a lower‐class phenomenon. Various deterministic formulations have been offered in explanation of this, ranging from hereditarian notions of “bad stock” among the lower classes to environmentalist em‐phasis upon the debilitating effect of poor social circumstances. This article argues that such attempts to account for the social distribution of subnormality in terms of aetiology are premature, because the processes whereby people come to be labelled as subnormal are largely unexamined.

The term “dual diagnosis” has been widely accepted as referring to co‐existing mental illness and substance misuse. However, it is clear from the literature that individuals with these co‐existing difficulties continue to be excluded from mainstream mental health services. The term “dual diagnosis” can be pejorative and therefore, complicate or obstruct engagement. It is argued within this paper that the association between mental illness and substance misuse (including alcohol misuse) is an intricate and often a complex relationship involving a multitude of psychosocial factors that cannot be simply explained by an individual having two co‐existing disorders. From this perspective, this paper seeks to argue that the term “dual diagnosis” should be actively de‐emphasised.

This paper offers a critique of “dual diagnosis” and the potential impact on access and treatment through discussion of the literature and reflections on service provision.

The paper identifies five principles termed the “5 key principles”, which support individuals with a wide spectrum of co‐existing difficulties and to counteract the stigma often associated with the term “dual diagnosis”. These collective principles allow the practitioner to consider the needs of the service user from the service user's perspective and therefore not be distracted by the perceived set of expected behaviours that are implied by the “dual diagnosis” label.

This paper offers a critique of the term “dual diagnosis” and explores the impact of this in terms of service users and makes practical suggestions for alternative ways of conceptualising co‐existing mental health and substance difficulties.

An applied study using convenience data was conducted to compare the experiences of neurodivergent adults undergoing workplace coaching before and during the pandemic.

The naturally occurring opportunity permitted a comparison of face-to-face and remote coaching in three cohorts, pre-pandemic (100% face-to-face), forced-remote (100% remote) and choice (remote or face-to-face; 85% selected remote). A total of 409 participants self-reported performance before and 12 weeks after completing an average of 11-h coaching.

Significant differences between before and after scores for performance, with large effect sizes, were reported for all three cohorts across six dependent variables: memory, time management, organisational skills, stress management, understanding neurodiversity and concentration. There was no significant difference between the cohorts in terms of the magnitude of the effect. There were significant differences between the cohorts in terms of which topics were chosen as foci for the coaching, with executive functions related topics becoming less popular in the choice cohort.

The authors abductively reasoned the results to suggest a positive relationship between personalised environments and cognitive demands for this client group. They call for further, theoretically grounded research exploring the role of coaching and environment in understanding the work performance of neurodivergent adults at work.

The study contributes to the emerging knowledge on the different experiences of in-person and video-mediated coaching. The focus on neurodivergent employees, which are heretofore less well researched within the workplace, provides essential data to support practitioners in maximising opportunity for a marginalised group.