Although childhood abuse is internationally recognized as a major problem, there is a dearth of data concerning potentially protective resources, including religiosity…
Although childhood abuse is internationally recognized as a major problem, there is a dearth of data concerning potentially protective resources, including religiosity. While studies document religiosity’s positive association with general health outcomes, little is known about its relevance to abuse in childhood. A unique opportunity to explore the relationship is provided by a community-based study of religiously diverse, adult women within a single religious denomination, Judaism. A distinctive aspect of this research, which places women’s voices and experiences center stage, is the context within which it was conducted. Israel is a deeply gendered society dominated by two patriarchal institutions, the military and religious establishments.
Detailed telephone interviews with a large, demographically diverse sample assess a broad range of women’s health issues including childhood sexual, physical, and emotional abuse. Prevalence rates are compared for observance groups at opposite ends of the religiosity spectrum, rigorously devout ultra-Orthodox (Haredi) (n = 261) and nonreligious Secular Jews (n = 181).
Unexpectedly, no significant differences between observance groups are found for any childhood abuse (45%), physical abuse (24%), or emotional abuse (40%). Childhood sexual abuse has the lowest frequency (4.8%) of all abuse categories with more reported by Secular than Haredi respondents (7.7% vs. 3.1% p = .05).
This study addresses a critical research gap with empirical evidence from adult women within a single religious denomination. To enhance generalizability, replication with other denominations and the inclusion of males is warranted.
More religious involvement apparently does not mitigate the most prevalent forms of childhood maltreatment. These preliminary, yet persuasive findings warrant more policy and prevention efforts focused on childhood abuse in all families, religious as well as nonreligious.
This introduction sets forth the main themes of Part B of the two-part volume, reviews the methods employed by the contributors, and demonstrates the relationships among…
This introduction sets forth the main themes of Part B of the two-part volume, reviews the methods employed by the contributors, and demonstrates the relationships among these chapters and those of Part A.
The chapters in the volume exemplify current research approaches to the subject matter: gender-based violence. The introduction identifies trends and themes.
Worldwide attention is being drawn to examples and forms of gender-based violence. These are currently major topics in the media, both factual and fictional. Public policies are under discussion and programs to deal with them are developing. However, because the discussions and the programs are often not research-based or intersectionally inclusive, gender-based violence persists and victims are sometimes ignored, blamed, or subjected to further violence.
The chapter serves as an overall introduction to the volume and the subject matter more generally.
The end of World War II brought about many economic changes, among them the tremendous increase of US manufacturing activities in Western Europe. This astronomical…
The end of World War II brought about many economic changes, among them the tremendous increase of US manufacturing activities in Western Europe. This astronomical increase of foreign direct investment (FDI) required a new theory ‐ an economic theory of foreign direct investment. International economic theory, which traditionally had ignored the FDI decision, was not able to explain the FDI decision, nor could it explain the phenomena of multinational corporation (MNC). In a world of perfect competition, foreign direct investment would be absent. And when all markets operate efficiently, when there are no external economies of production and marketing, when information is costless and there are no barriers to trade or competition, international trade is the only possible form of international involvement. Logically, it follows that it is the departures from the models of perfect competition that must provide the rationale for foreign direct investment. Since, according to the Heckscher‐ Ohlin‐Samuelson (neoclassical) model, trade of goods will equalize factor prices in a world of factor immobility. In fact, the FDI decision is even ignored by new international economics which, since the late 1970's, has utilized new developments in the field of industrial organization. Proponents of these new theories have developed models that emphasize increasing returns and imperfect competition and see the possibility that government involvements in trade (trade restrictions, export subsidies, etc.) may under some circumstances be useful. All of this is done while foreign direct investment is ignored.