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Examines the history of the Commission on Industrial Relations (CIR) 1969‐74 ‐ its origins, organization and policies ‐ and then evaluates its contribution as an agent of reform in the context of the perceived problems of the 1960s and 1970s. Considers whether there are any lessons to be learnt for the future given the possibility of a Labour Government, developments in Europe and the 1995 TUC policy document Your Voice at Work. Despite the drastic changes in industrial relations and in the economic, political and social environment, the answer is in the affirmative. In particular, the importance of a new third‐party agency having an independent governing body like the CIR and not a representative body like the Advisory, Conciliation and Arbitration Service (ACAS); in its workflow not being controlled by government; and in its decisions on recognition being legally enforceable.

Twenty‐five years on, the Director of Research of Britain′s Royal Commission on Trade Unions and Employers′ Associations (1968) reviews subsequent events in pay and incomes policies, analyses their contemporary relevance, particularly over the need for an “effective incomes policy”. From the starting point of the need for stable internal pay structures, the analysis covers the “cascade effect” of uncontrolled pay drift. Felt‐fair inequities (especially at management levels) are shown as a prime cause of pay inflation and (as a consequence) of high unemployment. Concludes with a four‐point agenda for change which tackles and differentiates the private and public sectors, and concludes with an indictment of performance‐related pay.

I. INTRODUCTION In this monograph we point out and analyse various dimensions of bargaining structure, which we define broadly as the institutional configuration within which bargaining takes place, and attempt to provide some guidelines for management action. We look at the development, theory, and present framework of bargaining structure in Britain and then examine it in terms of choices: multi‐employer versus single employer, company versus plant level bargaining, and the various public policy issues involved.

Indigenous Australians report mental health problems at a much higher rate than non-Indigenous Australians. However, rather than more services, it has been proposed that there should be a positive, socially based approach to improving mental health in Indigenous communities. The population-wide Western Australian Act-Belong-Commit mental health promotion campaign appeared to be consistent with such an approach. Hence, after consultation with Indigenous community members, a culturally adapted version of the campaign was developed and launched in a largely Indigenous remote Australian community. A survey of Indigenous community members was conducted two years later to assess campaign impact. The aim of this paper is to report on the impact on community members of this cultural adaptation.

Intercept interviews were conducted with Indigenous community members (n = 31) to assess respondents’ awareness of the campaign elements and activities, understanding of campaign messages and whether respondents had undertaken activities to improve their own or their family’s social and emotional well-being as a result of the campaign.

There was universal awareness of the adapted campaign in this sample, with 81% reporting doing something for their own social and emotional well-being, 74% reporting doing something for the social and emotional well-being of their family or friends and 48% reporting doing something for community well-being, as a result of campaign exposure.

The cultural adaptation of the Act-Belong-Commit campaign in the Australian Roebourne community is the first reported Indigenous adaptation of a population-wide mental health promotion campaign.

The purpose of this paper is to provide a brief and partial overview of some of the issues and authors that have dominated British industrial relations research since 1965. It is cast in terms of that year being the astronomical Big Bang from which all else was created. It traces a spectacular growth in academic interest and departments throughout the 1970s and 1980s, and then comments on the petering out of the tradition and its very existence (Darlington, 2009; Smith, 2011).

There are no methods other than a biased look through the literature.

These show a liberal oppression of the Marxist interpretation of class struggle through trade unions, collective bargaining, strikes, and public policy. At first through the Cold War and later, less well because many Marxists survived and thrived in industrial relations departments until after 2000, through closing courses and choking off demand. This essay exposes the hypocrisy surrounding notions of academic freedom, and throws light on the determination of those in the labour movement and their academic allies to push forward wage controls and stunted bargaining regimes, alongside restrictions on strikes, in the name of moderation and the middle ground.

An attempt to correct the history as written by the pro tem victors.

A primary tool for managing the democratic risks posed by political donations is disclosure. In Australia, corporate donations are disclosed in government databases. Despite the potential accountability benefits, corporations are not, however, required to report this information in their annual or stand-alone reports. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the quantity and quality of voluntary reporting and seek to add to the nascent theoretical understanding of voluntary corporate political donations.

Corporate donors were obtained from the Australian Electoral Commission database. Annual and stand-alone reports were analysed to determine the quantity and quality of voluntary disclosures and compared to O’Donovan’s (2002) legitimation disclosure response matrix.

Of those companies with available reports, only 25 per cent reported any donation information. Longitudinal results show neither a robust increase in disclosure levels over time, nor a clear relationship between donation activity and disclosure. The findings support a legitimation tactic being applied to political donation disclosures.

The findings suggest that disclosure of political donations in corporate reports should be mandatory. Such reporting could facilitate aligning shareholder and citizen interests; aligning managerial and firm interests and closing disclosure loopholes.

The study extends the literature by evaluating donation disclosures by companies known to have made donations, considering time-series data and theorising the findings.

Between 2006 and 2011, Nicaragua shipped an average of US$9.4 million per year of smallholder-produced fresh taro (Colocasia esculenta) to the USA; however, by 2016, the US market for Nicaraguan taro had effectively collapsed. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the short-lived taro boom from the perspective of complex adaptive systems, showing how shocks, interactions between value chain actors, and lack of adaptive capacity among chain actors together contributed to the collapse of the chain.

Primary data were collected from businesses and smallholders in 2010 and 2016 to understand the actors involved, their business relations, and the benefits and setbacks they experienced along the way.

The results show the capacity of better-off smallholders to engage in a demanding market, but also the struggles faced by more vulnerable smallholders to build new production systems and respond to internal and external shocks. Local businesses were generally unprepared for the uncertainties inherent in fresh horticultural trade or for engagement with distant buyers.

Existing guides and tools for designing value chain interventions will benefit from greater attention to the circumstances of local actors and the challenges of building productive inter-business relations under higher levels of risk and uncertainty.

This case serves as a wake-up call for practitioners, donors, researchers, and the private sector on how to identify market opportunities and the design of more robust strategies to respond to them.

Whatever happens to some of the detailed provisions of the Government's forthcoming Industrial Relations Bill, it is obvious that everyone concerned in this field will soon have to acclimatise themselves to a new and highly‐regulated environment. It is interesting but not very profitable to speculate on the likely effects of the new legislation on strikes, wage inflation, restrictive practices and other contentious problems. Of much greater importance is the extent to which the proposed measures are designed to deal with the real problems in contemporary industrial relations. It is at least arguable that the now almost forgotten analysis of the Donovan Commission represents a far more realistic basis for change in industrial relations than anything contained in the Government's ‘Consultative Document’.

The recent wave of strikes, official and unofficial, in all kinds of economic and public activity, affecting all kinds of persons from children to pensioners, occasioning suffering, misery and harm to the community in general, has caused January 1979 to be called ‘Black January’. Yet ten years ago, in January 1969 a White Paper entitled ‘In Place of Strife’ [Cmnd 3888] was published. The White Paper set out a policy for Industrial Relations. It was the policy of a Labour Government and had been designed in the light of the report of the Royal Commission on Trade Unions and Employers Associations which had been published in June 1968 [Cmnd 3623]. The main recommendations of the Report [called the Donovan Report] were embodied in the proposals for an Industrial Relations Act which is Appendix I in the White Paper. That paper, following Donovan, boldly states in para 2:

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the overall campaign reach and impact of the ABCs of Mental Health in Denmark; a secondary objective is to investigate how mental health-promoting beliefs and actions are associated with good mental health.

A questionnaire was administered to two representative cross-sectional samples of the Danish population (1,508 respondents in 2019; 1,507 respondents in 2021) via an online survey. The data were subsequently pooled together into one sample consisting of 3,015 respondents. In addition to questions pertaining to campaign reach and impact, the questionnaire also included a validated scale for mental well-being and questions about beliefs and actions in regard to enhancing mental health.

About 7.6% had been reached by the campaign (familiar with ABC name or messages), or 11.9% when also counting familiarity with campaign slogans. Among these, respondents reported (proportions in parentheses) that the campaign had 1) made them reflect on their mental health (74.2%), talk to friends and family about mental health (35.5%), given them new knowledge about what they can do to enhance mental health (78.4%), or take action to enhance their own mental health (16.2%). An internal well-being locus of control and proactive behaviours towards enhancing mental health are shown to be associated with higher mean scores on mental well-being, lower odds of low mental well-being and higher odds of higher mental well-being.

An internal well-being locus of control and proactive behaviours towards enhancing mental health are suggested to both prevent low levels of mental well-being and promoting high levels of mental well-being. The results indicate that the ABCs of Mental Health campaign may be implemented to promote such beliefs and actions universally throughout the population.