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This paper aims to review the evidence on Europe’s economic performance and on the role played by policies pursued at the European Union (EU) level, using the competitiveness framework as the conceptual lens.

Why has Europe not made more progress on upgrading its competitiveness over the past few decades, despite the many initiatives that the EU has launched?

It finds Europe’s sluggish performance to be driven by a failure to adjust the EU’s policy approach to fundamental changes in the competitiveness context and challenges faced by European economies.

Based on this analysis, the paper suggests a new role for the EU in supporting EU member countries and regions in achieving higher levels of competitiveness.

The purpose of this paper is to examine European Union (EU) industrial relations in their development over time. It describes and analyzes their main constituent parts, which are deployed along four interlinked institutional dimensions: tripartite concertation; cross-industry social dialogue; sectoral social dialogue; and employee representation and negotiation at the transnational company level. The focus lies strictly on the emerging EU layer of industrial relations, which is common to the different Member States and not on comparative European industrial relations.

The paper is conceptual in nature. It considers the differences and mutually interdependent legal and political processes, policies and institutions between EU industrial relations and national industrial relations.

The findings substantiate that EU industrial relations constitute an incomplete but perfectly traceable transnational reality distinct from industrial relations in the Member States. EU industrial relations are not to supersede but to supplement national industrial relations. Neither the EU institutional framework nor the European social partners have the mandate, legitimation or desire to perform a more ambitious role.

More empirically oriented research would further support the findings in the paper.

The paper presents a conceptual review based on a comprehensive and critical reading of the literature on EU industrial relations. It also puts labor strategies at the forefront of the analysis in corporate relocation.

Turkey's European Union (EU) candidacy process, unlike other candidate countries, is a unique case in terms of the length of the process and the tensions experienced in the process. With the start of membership negotiations in 2005 and the increase in Turkey's obligations in the process, disruptions began to emerge and the anticipated progress could not be achieved. In this period, the EU's view of Turkey began to transform. It emerged as a reflection of this view with the privileged partnership proposals put forward in the mid-2000s. This study discusses how Turkey–EU relations have been shaped since 2005 when Turkey started membership negotiations and how the EU positions Turkey in light of current developments. In this context, the Strategic Compass document, which is aimed to shape the next 10 years of the EU, has been examined and focused on how Turkey is handled in the document. In the study, it has been revealed that the EU does not consider Turkey as a candidate country, but with a functionalist approach, depending on certain preconditions, as a partner with which it can make progress in areas of common interest.

Critical mutual benefits from Austria joining the EU are identified and discussed. Austria obtains greater economic bargaining power, loses some soverignty but retains neutrality and voice. EU gains strategic location, an educated and skilled workforce and perhaps a conscience regarding environment and small business protection. The “Anschluss” this time is a win/win situation for Austria, EU and for Europe.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate gender based wage differences by schooling and occupations and to estimate the occupational gender wage discrimination in Turkey where strenuous attempts are underway to modernize and negotiate its culturally (Islamic)‐based gender differences.

This study employs an extension of Blinder and Oaxaca's approach to measure the effect of wage discrimination. In order to correct a possible sample selection problem, Heckman's two step procedure is used to estimate the earning equations for males and females by using Turkish Household Expenditure and Income Survey.

Among the paper's central findings is that gender wage gap decreases with education, is less in the public sector, and varies across occupations. The overall discriminatory wage gap is estimated at 30 percent after controlling for education, experience, occupation, region, and selection effects.

Limitations of this study are mostly related to the nature of the data set used in the analysis. Future research should be replicated on time series data with more variables if they are available.

Policy makers should promote education of women since education reduces inequalities among genders as revealed from the decreasing gap of wage differentials for higher levels of education. They should implement measures aimed at reducing inequalities in women's pay and improving women's status in the labor market in line with the European Union policies.

By using micro data, this study estimates the gender wage discrimination at occupational levels in Turkey by correcting the possible sample selection bias in the analysis, usually omitted in other studies.

The history and prospects of European integration are both fascinating and exciting. Analysts of every aspect of this process, including its cultural, economic, financial, historical, political, and social dimensions, should recall that its main rationale remains as it has always been, to permanently end conflict and to secure peace and prosperity for all Europeans. As the European Union's (EU's) own website (see http://europa.eu.int) points out Europe has been the scene of many and frequent bloody wars throughout the centuries. In the 75-year period between 1870 and 1945, for example, France and Germany fought each other three times with huge loss of life. The history of modern European integration commenced in earnest with the realization in the early 1950s that the best way to prevent future conflict is to secure more economic and political integration. This led to the establishment of the European Coal and Steel Community in 1951, followed shortly by the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1957. Since then, the process of integration and enlargement has progressed at varying speeds, but always moving forwards. In 1967, the founding institutions of the EEC were merged to form today's European Commission (EC), the Council of Ministers, and the European Parliament. The members of the European Parliament were initially chosen by the member governments of the EEC, but direct elections commenced in 1979, and have continued every 5 years since then. The Treaty of Maastricht created the EU in 1992 and established the process of economic and monetary union (EMU) that culminated in the introduction of the euro in 12 of the 15 Member States in 2002.