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The fast-developing processes of globalization, with increased political and economic interdependence, along with competition; regionalization dynamics revealing more localized ambitions and either constraining or advancing intentions and policies; and Europeanization as a particular dynamic related to the EU role as a global actor, applied to the Polish post-communist transition, constitute our vectors of analysis. This essay aims to address the simultaneously interconnected and heterogeneous responses of Polish post-communist course of change to global and regional processes, including European integration. In this line of research, we search for answers to how the linkages among globalization, regionalization, and Europeanization work in the case of Polish post-communist transition. This will be pursued through an analysis of the democratization course, mainly regarding political, institutional and social aspects, and economic integration. Despite elements of complementarity and resistance in the working relationships among the three concepts, which are highly debatable, we find they have substantial implications on Polish policy-making. These implications include adjustment and bargaining between demands and concessions, resulting in gains and losses, though despite the negative effects associated and acknowledged, the fact of Poland pursuing the course of integration in the EU reveals an equation of cost–benefit, in favor of the EU.

Since the beginning of the twentieth century, modernization has been a defining concept for the politics of Turkey and is associated with the Western world. In this respect, EU membership has been a driving force for Turkey to reach its goal. As a candidate country in Customs Union with the EU, Turkey has to harmonize its legislation, judicial and administrative practices with the EU acquis. It brings fundamental changes and affects all layers of society, including public and private institutions, not only politically but also economically and socially. Accepting the EU acquis also requires human resources with sufficient experience and knowledge in the EU. However, teaching the EU is a complete challenge with its unique institutional structure, complexity of its policy areas, fast-changing legislation and case law. This chapter considers to what extent EU–Turkey relations have affected teaching EU in Turkey and some of the approaches which might be applied to overcome the main obstacles.

The protection of the borders of the states, the entry of foreigners through the borders under certain conditions, helps to ensure internal security. Member states of the European Union (EU) are trying to protect the freedom and welfare area they have created within their borders by preventing the entry of migrants. The EU countries, which are generally insufficient in determining common policies, tend toward policies that vary from country to country on migration. However, it is seen that many policies and practices have come into force for the security of the Union's borders. In this study, it will be tried to examine how the borders of the Union are protected and controlled against the migrants coming to the Union countries.

In the enlarged European Union (EU) with 25 members, the free movement of capital, coupled with the free movement of goods and services should be a major direct attraction for both intra-EU and external foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows. EU membership does not, however, lead to a linear increase in FDI inflows as many analysts suggest (ECE, 2001). With EU accession, the structure of FDI may change substantially (Hunya, 2000; Dyker, 2001). Activities based on the existence of closed domestic markets (e.g. food and beverages) and on cheap labour (e.g. assembly activities) might be reduced, or even closed down, giving way to more knowledge-intensive activities in the new EU member countries (Kalotay, 2004a). FDI in the new EU member countries is not yet on an uninterrupted growth path. In the pre-accession phase (1995–2003), the relative importance of new EU members in global FDI flows when compared to that of the “old” members of the EU, was actually shrinking. Thus, if new members want to use FDI as one channel for catching up, they have to reverse this trend and increase their inward FDI quite rapidly.

Purpose: This research study addresses the key issues of the fiscal policies and tax system in Kosovo to align with the contemporary tax principles and requirements of the European Standards.

Design/methodology/approach: In order to explain the fiscal policies and tax system in Kosovo, the authors provide an overview of the fiscal policies and tax system in the country. The authors focused on the building and development of the tax system, the role of the tax policy in economic development and the macro-fiscal stability. The methodology approach is based on primary and other secondary sources, such as academic literature, the reports provided by the Ministry of Finance and international institutions, tax law and other available important statistical data.

Findings: The chapter substantiates and confirms the need for tax reforms in order to have an adequate tax system oriented to indirect tax, changing the structure of tax collection for border tax into domestic tax, simplification of the legal procedures, improvement of management and audit systems, reducing the informal gray economy and to have a gradual growth-friendly fiscal policy. Positive fiscal performance continued, although there is still room to improve the execution of revenues.

Practical Implications: This chapter highlights the fact that Kosovo needs to intensify their fiscal reforms to build a sustainable tax system in order to meet the criteria of the EU tax system and policies.

Originality/value: The authors define the needs for strengthening the budget revenues, taking strong and coordinated steps to improve the management and collection of the revenues from indirect and direct taxes. Moreover, the authors show that the Kosovo tax system is broadly in line with the EU acquis and needs reform in order to have a sustainable tax regime.

During the past 30 years environmental policy was never between the top priority areas of public intervention in Greece. Legislative measures related to the protection of human health and nuisance from private economic activities were introduced as early as in the beginning of last century. The post dictatorial constitution of 1975 provided, for the first time, specific provision for the protection of natural environment. However, a comprehensive framework legislation regulating all facets of environmental degradation was adopted only in 1986 but remained, for a long period, practically inactive since the necessary implementing decisions were issued with considerable delay. The country's accession into the EU, in 1981, provided a cognitive and material basis for the modernisation of environmental policy through the incorporation of the environmental acquis into domestic law and building up of domestic administrative capacities through the use of the structural funds. However, low prioritisation of environmental protection in the domestic policy agendas of successive Greek governments continued to affect domestic administrative structures and policy traditions.

The European Union has pursued two contradictory policies over the last decade in response to the challenges of globalization. On the one hand, the EU has loosened borders to facilitate trade and make the EU more competitive globally. On the other hand, the EU has tightened borders to enhance its security, fearing the negative consequences of a globalized world. In this paper, I examine the effects of implementation of the EU's Schengen border regime, a set of rules governing external border control, on the post-communist countries and the difficulties that Schengen has posed for the governments in the region. I also discuss the EU's emerging European Neighborhood Policy (ENP), designed to address many of the concerns voiced by the Central and East European (CEE) officials regarding Schengen. An important element of ENP is to work across the EU external border to facilitate economic relations and develop joint institutions with non-members to create new cooperative borderlands.

Two images are frequently invoked with regard to the evolution of the EU. Certain scholars portray the organization as moving toward a new, post-modern, post-Westphalian entity comprising an increasingly borderless Europe. Other scholars view European integration as a process by which the EU is increasingly taking on the trappings and functions of the state to build a “Fortress Europe.” The discussion of Schengen and the eastern enlargement suggests a more complex reality than either of these two images in which borders are constantly shifting and whose functions are changing in response to the different challenges posed by globalization and internal developments. The EU's external borders will continue to change, both in terms of where they are located and how important these will be. Europe's ENP, with its emphasis on cross-border cooperation, is changing borders into borderlands, zones of cooperation and collaboration across a line on a map. Governance and the shaping of policy are increasingly taking place at multiple sites and with different kinds of actors, further transforming the importance of borders. Perhaps, a new vision of European integration is needed to capture the evolution of the EU.

The European Union (EU) is not a state, though it has some statelike attributes; it is not an empire, though it includes many former European imperial powers; and it is not a federation, though Euro-federalists seek to make it one. There is, however, no need to argue that the Union is a singularity, nor to invent novel terminology, such as that deployed by “neo-functionalists” and “intergovernmentalists” to capture its legal and political form. The EU is a confederation, but with consociational characteristics in its decision-making styles. This conceptualization facilitates understanding and helps explain the patterns of crises within the Union.

This chapter provides a few practical cases in the framework of selected global challenges from the experience of a practitioner – commercial diplomat that have been chosen according to the combination of relevant experience and legitimacy issues.

This empirical study has no conceptual or big theoretical ambitions. The approach of a multiple case study was chosen as it provides a high-level view of different cases and questions describing practical aspects of selected theoretical topics in the work of a commercial diplomat in the framework of the International Business. Thus the simple narrative descriptions are shown below to provide some important or interesting elements in order to yield different and practical details of Business and Commercial diplomacy which are often different from the theoretical conclusions and outcomes. Hence, some challenges have been selected and analysed as it is assumed that narrative may provide a good insight into the decision-making and into the processes of Business and Commercial diplomacy.

It covers the role of the commercial diplomacy in the EU, the challenges of limited capacities, the comparison of OECD guidelines versus EU acquis communautaire, the sustainable development in the EU and in developing countries, the impact and potential of digitalisation, some notes on the tax avoidance and the importance of public–private partnership.

This study provides practical context for some global challenges and issues from the point of view of a commercial diplomat. There is also a trial for the new definition of Commercial diplomacy and comparison of approaches of Business, Commercial and Trade diplomacy to these issues.