Cooperation for a Peaceful and Sustainable World Part 1: Volume 20 Part 1


Table of contents

(20 chapters)

List of Contributors

Pages vii-viii
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Conflicts exist not only in political arenas. They take place within the family, between countries, ethnic and religious groups, etc. There are also resource conflicts such as in energy and water resources. Resource conflicts also lead to political conflicts. Conflict itself is not bad in all circumstances. In many situations it is necessary to have conflict for development and growth. What is needed is cooperation between parties to reach a solution by nonviolent peaceful means.

This article discusses the work of the Global Peace Index and how peace itself can be characterized in order to analyze its relationship with society. This article explores the various notions and definitions of peace which exist, such as the differences between “Positive Peace” and “Negative Peace.” Peace cannot simply be thought of as “the absence of violence,” there are many complex aspects to take into consideration and which influence the creation of peaceful societies, including political stability, economics, types of government, and business environments, to name but a few.

The main purpose of this paper is to analyze whether sufficient conditions can be met for Turkey and the Balkan and Caucasian Republics to achieve future integration within Europe because Turkey's accession to the European Union (EU) would provide opportunities for further enlargement of the Union toward the East. The paper is developed through three steps: In the first place we will select a group of countries belonging to the Southeastern Europe, Transcaucasia, and the Near-East, which could fulfill at medium term the requirements established by the European Councils of Copenhagen (1993), Madrid (1995), and Helsinki (1999) to be members of the EU in a future. Second, starting from the period 2000–2010, we estimate the possible existence of economic convergence in terms of real per capita income between these countries and the current EU at 27 members. Finally, we analyze whether the entrance of some of those countries in the EU could help to solve some local existing conflicts in the area, especially in the Middle-East.

For the above-mentioned purposes, first, we have selected potential candidates for a future adhesion to EU among the current official candidates, other countries that have already demanded the adhesion, and those other countries in the area for which the EU applies the neighborhood policy. We have selected these countries by using a multicriteria analysis. Second, following Quah (1996), we test the possible existence of several steady states in the EU at 27 members, and hence the possibility of Clubs Convergence in Europe. Also by using the Barro (1991) and Mankiw, Romer, and Weil (1992) models, we test Absolute and Conditional Economic Convergence among all EU-27 countries and between each potential candidate, weighted by surface and population, with the EU-27, during the period 2000–2010.

The obtained results indicate the existence of Clubs Convergence in EU-27 because at least there are two steady states. Multicriteria analysis indicates that the following countries fulfill the requirements of the EU at medium term: Macedonia, Albania, Serbia, Turkey, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Lebanon. The convergence analysis indicates Conditional Convergence between the selected countries and the EU.

The research limitations are that this paper only considers countries belonging to this area. The EU expansion could solve conflicts in the European–Asian border, like Cyprus, Nagorno-Karabakh, Kurdish, and other Middle East conflicts. Lebanon is a country that clearly belongs to Asia, but notwithstanding it appears as a possible candidate to enter in the EU considering our multicriteria analysis.

Mathematics is associated with abstraction, generality, and simplicity, whereas reality is associated with specificity and complexity. Because of this, it might be argued that the humanities disciplines are better than mathematics at providing accounts of the history of societies and the lives of individuals. The aim here is to counter this argument by presenting a mathematical account of a specific complex social reality. This is in accordance with recent appeals to peace scientists to engage with scholars in history and other humanities disciplines. Here, Shakespeare's A Midsummer Night's Dream is studied. The advantage of studying this piece is that the set of events is sufficiently complex to present a challenge to the modeler and yet sufficiently circumscribed to allow a reasonable coverage of the entire reality within the space of a paper.

The play is analyzed in terms of mathematical social science concepts. The analysis considers how people and groups participate in within-group and between-group activities over space and time. The value and power relationships in the activities are analyzed and the following concepts are deployed: roles, rules, hierarchy, anarchy, social divisions, and inequality. Some of the activities involve movement through space-time, and the set of movements can give rise to encounters. These may or may not be planned, and so alternative histories are in play. The analysis then switches to a more detailed level, and dialogic expressions of power relationships are noted. Finally, the logical structure of beliefs and dialogue is analyzed using “dynamic social propositional calculus.”

This article focuses on an analysis of common understandings of the terms “conflict” and “conflict resolution,” giving examples of differing types of conflict. The article then brings to light specific examples from Sri Lanka of ethnic conflict, as a case study. It discusses how language itself should be seen as a human right, as language plays a huge part in empowering members of society and in their ability to contribute to issues of public concern by raising public awareness. Language, conflict resolution, and ethnic harmony are therefore inextricably linked.

We develop an interactive framework to model speculation (over regulation) and regulation (of speculation) in a greenhouse gas (GHG) permits market. In our proposed model, big traders engage in speculation by strategically withholding and releasing permits to influence the temporal path of permit prices in order to maximize their profits. The national government/regulator has an incentive to stabilize permit prices by suitably manipulating stocks of permits. Thus, the GHG permits market can typically be characterized by circular interdependence in which big traders will be “gaming” the regulator to generate profits: the state of the market affects speculative behavior of traders that in turn impacts on government's behavior, which in turn impacts on the state of the market. The interactive framework explores the gaming between speculators and a regulator, or government, to shed crucial insights on the nature of equilibrium in possible global emissions trading schemes (GETS). By so doing, we are able to unravel potential pitfalls of any global trading system in pollution permits for arresting global warming. Once policy makers are aware of these pitfalls, for example, a “culture of speculation” as opposed to a culture of safety, they can devise a suitable mechanism to bypass these potential pitfalls.

We develop a multiperiod contest theory model to formulate the role of decentralization in coups decision and outcome. In our model the coup plotter chooses between carrying out a coup and subordination, the central government responds by fighting against the plotter, and the local government chooses whether to confront the military government after a successful coup. The model shows that more decentralized countries will experience longer military regime after a successful coup, but the relationship between decentralization and the risk of coups is nonmonotonic. We suggest that there may exist negative consequences of decentralization: Depending on the initial conditions, decentralization may increase the coup risks and jeopardize political stability.

The question of civilian supremacy over managing state affairs has been revisiting Pakistan time and again; the case is the same these days. Assuming its strategic location at the crossroads of Middle East-Central South Asia, the country has a lot of potential not only to prosper and progress, but it can play a pivotal role in restoring peace and stability in the region.

Pakistan's civilian leadership has mostly supported the concept of peaceful coexistence with all neighboring countries, but the theory of animosity propagated by Pakistan's army with its neighbor, especially India, has kept the world's sixth most populous nation in a state of war ever since its inception. This chapter discuses the perpetual conflict between the civil-military approaches and how it is effecting regional peace.

This study deals with the processes of innovation in the medium technology industrial sectors. First, it illustrates the differences between the linear model of innovation and the systemic and cognitive model of knowledge creation. Then, it focuses on the concepts of connectivity, creativity, and speed of change, which characterize the processes of interactive learning in the industrial clusters. Finally, it illustrates a typology of regions, where problems and policy fields are different, and it indicates the guidelines of a governance of interregional knowledge and innovation networks.

The broad aim of this paper is to look at the relationship between terrain and conflict. Using the opportunity and willingness framework, it argues that there are some long established physical factors, which have been related to the terrain of conflict, but that there are also some equally long established factors that are nonphysical. This latter group includes the notion of a “mountain people,” which is described as being fierce, uncivilized, and resistant to authority. Such arguments may have some foundation, but they are also based on a strong history of determinism and indeed scientific racism. The paper also looks at the “what is a mountain?” debate and argues that this question is entirely misleading for conflict analysis. It is hoped that conflict researchers will be careful whenever they encounter the word “mountain.”

Efficiency of peace-building relies on a vision of the future, partly at least. But nobody can provide a forecast free from prejudice and attitudes deeply rooted in the past. As a result, many so-called long-term “forecasts” are actually “geopolitical fantasies.” The chapter tackles forecasts of the possible fate of the United States, the European Union, Russia, and China in the twenty-first century, a general issue of war and peace in both the remote and foreseeable futures, and prospects of peace-building.

Satyagraha, as practiced by Mahatma Gandhi, is a technique of action deigned to set in motion a process to achieve lasting peace. It emerged from the realization that violence breeded violence; war fought to end wars and bring peace brought greater and more devastating wars. Satyagraha replaced brute force by soul force, also known as love force through self-suffering with the sole objective of drowsing hatred in the opponent and arousing in him the inherent capacity, even if muted, to love the “enemy.”

The doctrine of Satyagraha is an extension of the rule of family life into the political arena. Gandhi held that family disputes and differences were generally settled according to the “Law of Love.” The injured member had so much regard for the others that he suffered injury for the sake of his principles without retaliating and without anger against those who differed with him. As repressing of anger and self-suffering were difficult processes, he did not dignify trifles into principles, but in all nonessentials readily agreed with the rest of family and thus continued to gain the maximum of peace for himself without distributing that of others. Thus, his action whether he resisted or resigned was always calculated to promote the common welfare of all.

In times such as ours when conflict is the order of the day and the potentials of globalization offers more to fear than to hope. There is an urgent demand for solutions of conflicts by ways which are constructive and not destructive, which Satyagraha fulfill to a great extent.

In business, globalization refers to the process of integrating the economies of the world, which results in the emergence of an interdependent business world. Nations are now living in a globalized business world. The globalization process began in the 1980s, developed rapidly in the context of the Washington Consensus of the 1990s, and entered the new millennium with great fanfare. Booming consumerism, rapid economic growth, rising incomes, and massive financial flows and transactions became the order of the day. Hardware-industrial China and software-service India rode the wave. With a high growth rate, prosperity seemed unending.

Then the anticlimax of 2007–2008 and later occurred. Financial crisis emerged from sub-prime crisis, bank failures, sudden credit collapse, market uncertainties, stock market crash, and the disappearance of business confidence. The crises certainly ushered in a “Great Recession,” which through vigorous international efforts stopped falling short of a “Great Depression.” The focus has again turned on China and India who are expected to lead in the recovery.

Where did the world go wrong? Here comes the Gandhian Thought and Philosophy. The paper seeks to explain how “greed” overtook “need,” “speculation” overtook “sensible thinking,” “self-aggrandizement” overtook “trusteeship,” and “consumerism” overtook “modest consumption.” Business everywhere should have been based on trust, transparency, and truth. But this foundation seems to have disappeared. These facts are analyzed, the relevance of Gandhi is brought out, and future perspectives are discussed.

This chapter makes an attempt to provide an outline of the contributions of the Indian democratic socialist tradition to the expansion and radicalization of the canvas of democratic theory and practice in India. While doing so, it also briefly discusses and highlights the historical and cultural context of the emergence of democratic imagination in India.11The democratic socialist tradition in India owes its origin during the Nationalist Movement by way of the establishment of the Congress Socialist Party (CSP). The CSP was a left-wing group, within the Indian National Congress, established to intensify the nationalist movement by turning it unequivocally, anticolonial and anti-imperialist. It also intended to radicalise the agenda of the nationalist struggle by incorporating into it aspirations of a socio-economic transformation of Indian society. After independence, the CSP severed its relation with the Congress and ramified into a number of splintered groups and parties over a period. See, John Patrick Haithcox, Nationalism and Communalism in India (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1968). In addition, the chapter also tries to grapple with certain central issues of democracy and civil society in contemporary India and shows how socialist input into Indian democracy could help in overcoming some of its predicaments. This analysis is done in three sections. The first section discusses the historical and cultural context of the emergence of democracy in India in terms of the nationalist movement and the framing of the Indian Constitution. The second section identifies the central issues that Indian democracy confronts today. Finally, the third section highlights the significance of the Indian democratic socialist discourse both in identifying the problems of Indian democracy as well as in providing amicable solutions to them.

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Book series
Contributions to Conflict Management, Peace Economics and Development
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Emerald Publishing Limited
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