The right to education and attitudes toward Hijras in Bangladesh: assessing educational support to achieve sustainable communities

Abstract

Purpose

This study aims to evaluate the current educational opportunities available to hermaphrodite (Hijra) students, analyze their difficulties while pursuing academic degrees and suggest potential approaches to address these issues.

Design/methodology/approach

This research used a qualitative method to analyze the challenges Hijra individuals face in pursuing education. A total of 20 interviews were conducted with two Hijra groups those who are pursuing an education and those who have abandoned it to collect primary data. The purposive sampling technique was used to identify and choose diverse sources of information. Moreover, the phenomena have been comprehended using the Access Theory and the Gender Stratification Theory.

Findings

The findings show that although every Bangladeshi has the right to a decent education, few Hijra youngsters attend schools. Numerous barriers, such as discriminatory views and remarks about third-gender people, physical and mental harassment, a lack of emotional and financial support, family issues, discrimination in the school community and hostility from classmates and teachers, make it difficult for hermaphrodite students to receive a proper education.

Originality/value

This research paper fills a gap in the current body of knowledge by presenting empirical evidence regarding young people’s perceptions of the third-gender, the societal barriers faced by Hijra individuals in their pursuit of quality education, their future opportunities, the root causes of these challenges and possible solutions.

Citation

Kalam, A., Alam, M.J., Basharat, L., Sarker, G.F., Mamun, M.A.A. and Ahsan, A.H.M. (2024), "The right to education and attitudes toward Hijras in Bangladesh: assessing educational support to achieve sustainable communities", Quality Education for All, Vol. 1 No. 1, pp. 187-203. https://doi.org/10.1108/QEA-11-2023-0016

1. Introduction

The term “Hijra” originates from the Indian subcontinent and is derived from Hindustani, a vernacular Indo-Aryan language (Kachru, 2008, p. 81). Throughout the Indian subcontinent, the word “Hijra” was used for hundreds of years to describe transvestites, intersex persons, eunuchs and transsexual males (Chakrapani, 2010; Al-Mamun et al., 2022). In contemporary times, the Hijra is identified as the “third gender” or “third sex” (Hossain, 2017; Mirandé, 2016; Islam, 2016). In the words of a famous ethnographer, Serena Nanda, the term Hijra is defined as “Neither men nor Women” (Wadhwa, 2018; Chawla). Hijras are biological males identifying and expressing themselves as female (Sumra, 2019; Redding, 2019). Bangladesh, which achieved independence in 1971, has constantly championed the rights of minority groups and signed international agreements concerning the civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights of those with third-gender identities. A survey by the Department of Social Services found that approximately 12,000 Hijras live in Bangladesh (BIDS, 2022). However, individuals with Hijra identity in Bangladesh have been deprived of certain essential rights commonly linked with nationality, such as the right to own real estate, inherit property, work legitimately, attend school and receive health care (Nova et al., 2021; Islam, 2019; Al-Mamun et al., 2022; Jebin, 2018). As a result of modernity, nations across the globe have formally begun acknowledging individuals who identify as third-gender. Consequently, legislation in various nations acknowledges the legal status of individuals who identify as third-gender. In 2011, Bangladesh began providing nationality options for those who identify as a gender other than male or female. In 2013, over 10,000 Hijras in Bangladesh were officially recognized as belonging to a “third gender” category (Mitra, 2018; Fontana, 2020; Hossain, 2022).

As Hijra individuals have been formally acknowledged as the “third gender” and have Bangladeshi citizenship, they should also be entitled to educational privileges. Nevertheless, Hijras continue to face discrimination and are deprived of educational and equitable chances (Islam, 2016). Owing to societal non-acceptance, individuals of this group are deprived of certain rights, such as access to education (Alam et al., 2023). Their education is hindered because of the refusal of acknowledgments from academics or classmates, and their work prospects are limited by their lack of official schooling. The education system in Bangladesh remains insufficient for those who identify as third-gender; the majority of Hijras discontinue their education after primary or secondary school. Hijra children discontinue their education because of several factors, including physical and psychological mistreatment, insufficient financial and emotional assistance, familial conflicts, bias inside the classroom and institutional constraints that hinder the educational opportunities available to Hijra individuals (Pandey, 2018; Biswas and Soora, 2021). The state must, therefore, safeguard Hijras against violence and discrimination and support their citizenship rights (Jebin, 2018).

The main objective of this study is to assess the current availability and significance of educational opportunities in guaranteeing the right to education for Hijra individuals (those who identify as a third gender) in Bangladesh. The secondary objective is to elucidate the attitudes held by the young toward the Hijra community and the obstacles that impede Hijra citizens from obtaining education. Additionally, this study aims to explore possible remedies to these impediments.

2. Theoretical framework

Education is an essential asset crucial for developing and sustaining people and societies. However, the educational system in Bangladesh still encounters challenges and cultural biases that impede the inclusion and support of people who identify as third-gender.

Hence, a proficient and multifaceted theoretical structure was adopted to analyze this research, including the Access Theory and the Gender Stratification Theory. Moreover, this research employs a layered framework to enable readers to grasp the complex connection between educational access and cultural views toward individuals who identify as third-gender. Thus, the main goal is to analyze the intersection of the right to education and attitudes toward third genders in Bangladesh, specifically focusing on assessing educational support that fosters the growth of sustainable communities.

“Access” refers to an individual’s unrestricted capacity to access a location or speak with others or things. It is also defined as “the ability to get advantages from objects” (Ribot and Peluso, 2003). Ribot and Peluso (2003) highlight the dynamic mechanisms of entry and their correlation with tools in their “Theory of Access.” Various crucial elements, such as social interactions, procedures and functions, impact an individual’s capacity to use available resources. Also, Multiple variables contribute to the complex network of power dynamics within broader material, socio-economic and political-economic settings. Access is often determined by the social identity of a group or society, which is influenced by factors such as age, gender, position, occupation, formal education and other personal attributes. These more extensive settings often examine broader societal influences when examining the connection between access and resources.

Gender Stratification Theory, sometimes known as gender hierarchy theory, is a sociological paradigm that examines the causes and processes underlying the uneven allocation of values, rights and responsibilities in society based on individuals’ gender (Fiorentine, 1993). The source of gender stratification is said to stem from feminist ideology (Duru, 2012). The concept is founded on the degree to which women possess more control over the means of production and the distribution of surplus money or income compared to men. Blumberg (1984) suggests that males may see these changes as threatening when women’s economic power exceeds men’s during a transitional time. As a result, they may use both physical and political strategies to hinder women’s efforts to achieve equal authority. Chafetz (1990) reiterated this notion by contending that influential interest groups in society will consistently see women as a threat when they are well organized. Therefore, it may be said that this theory seeks to understand and shed light on the unfair distribution of resources, power and opportunities between genders in various social, economic and cultural contexts. Hossain (2017) categorizes Hijra as a socio-economic subgroup belonging to the working class in Bangladesh. However, Hijra people are not commonly accepted in legal establishment or by society.

The theory of gender stratification suggests that people in power sustain existing cultural norms and behaviors, often leading to the continuation of social hierarchies throughout generations. Within society, an imbalanced allocation of knowledge, skills and attitudes results in disparities in resources, opportunities and access to education. This is particularly true for marginalized communities, such as those who identify as third-gender. These individuals have obstacles in obtaining excellent education and are hindered from becoming skilled professionals because of a lack of recognition. Access Theory explores the factors that impede or facilitate an individual’s entry and progression in various societal domains, such as education and employment. Gender Stratification Theory examines how society manipulates marginalized groups, i.e. the Hijra community, preventing them from reaching their full potential for the benefit of more dominant social groups. This research enables the authors to investigate how the lack of recognition and acceptance of third-gender identities functions as a systemic barrier, restricting the capacity of Hijra individuals to access high-quality education and follow traditional career trajectories (Figure 1).

3. Research methods and materials

3.1 Study design

This section is further divided into the following sections: methodology, location, population, research length, sample size, sampling procedure, data collection techniques and procedures and data analysis. This study used a qualitative research methodology to examine the topic by scrutinizing the experiences and conditions of Hijra individuals. Primary data was collected by using in-depth interviews (IDIs) with 20 Hijra individuals. Purposive sampling was used in the study to identify and choose diverse sources of information.

3.2 Study area/settings and timeline

The extensive interviews were carried out in the Rajshahi area, which is located in the northern part of Bangladesh. The area is renowned for its ability to locate well-informed and dependable people of the Hijra community who can engage in detailed interviews to analyze their obstacles and difficulties. The researchers included the participants in a discussion and appraisal of their academic experience to get diverse perspectives and ideas regarding the Hijra lifestyle. A thorough study was carried out to examine the difficulties encountered by the educational system of the Hijra community through extensive interaction. By conducting comprehensive interviews, researchers gained a deeper understanding of the subtle complexities of the academic difficulties faced by the Hijra community, as expressed in their own words.

3.3 Study population and sampling strategy

A total of 20 IDIs were carried out. The interviews were performed exclusively with selected Hijra people to get insight into their academic challenges and patterns of social exclusion. The IDIs included two categories of Hijra individuals: those who are now pursuing their education and those who discontinued schooling.

3.4 Data collection techniques and procedures

The authors collected the qualitative data required for this research. All the authors provided epistemological evaluations and coordinated all data-gathering operations. The interviews were conducted in Bangla, as it is the native language of the participants and the researcher. Each author contributed to the development of the semi-structured guidelines and questionnaire items. To elicit informative responses from the participants, the interviews were conducted in a manner that provided a space for interviewees and used explicit, open-ended questions. The interviews were transcribed and recorded.

Additionally, all the authors assessed the appropriateness and clarity of the paper. The questions (Table 1) identified the facilities, facilitators, lack of financial support, familial concerns, social stigma, discrimination and barriers to studying Hijra persons in the school. The average duration per in-depth interview (IDI) was 40–45  minutes.

3.5 Data analysis

The collected data were assessed in light of the objective and topic of this study. The theoretical framework and the technique were also chosen accordingly for this research. The theoretical framework has been developed based on Gender Stratification Theory and Access Theory. “The six phases of thematic analysis” developed by Braun and Clarke (2006) was followed to conduct a robust thematic analysis for identifying, analyzing and reporting patterns within the data set. Themes were identified and interpreted to represent the content of the entire data set and an understanding of predominant themes was given.

3.6 Ethical considerations

Given that Hijra is a gender identity that is socially stigmatized, it was exceedingly challenging to secure sufficient respondents to participate in the study. The Hijra people expressed their views and concerns about education in this study. Interviews were analyzed thoroughly to understand the role of Hijra (hermaphrodite) people in the mainstream education system. Therefore, it is essential to note that informed consent has been duly acquired from all individuals participating in the survey. Furthermore, stringent measures are being taken to safeguard their privacy and maintain complete anonymity throughout the research process. Ethical issues were duly considered while gathering and analyzing documents, ensuring the conscientious and cautious treatment of confidential material (Wexler and Largent, 2023, p. 3).

4. Findings

The chosen theoretical framework and the data analysis from the IDIs facilitated the comprehension of the role of quality education for Hijra (hermaphrodite) individuals and the obstacles they encounter in pursuing a proper education. Several issues were identified during the data analysis of the IDIs, which will be addressed in the subsequent paragraphs.

4.1 Conflicts within the family

A family has great importance in the life of every individual. Nevertheless, the Hijras experience a lack of support from their families at their most crucial moments. Hijra individuals encounter several challenges from their families in pursuing their education and other aspects of their lives. Initially, their relatives and acquaintances exhibit a lack of acceptance toward them. They have difficulties pursuing their education because of familial opposition and lack of financial assistance. In addition, educational institutions and society often disregard individuals from the Hijra group. Upon realizing their third-gender identity, individuals often face the harsh reality of being forcefully expelled from their residences or socially marginalized. The Hijras depart from their residences because of the abuse inflicted upon them by their families, which subsequently forces them to abandon their education (Table 2). Consequently, these circumstances make standard schooling generally inaccessible to them.

A respondent, who was once a student, conveyed their emotions about their experience inside their family by saying:

My gender identification was a source of constant embarrassment for my family. They mistreated me severely because they were always afraid that someone else might find out and often placed the blame on me. I got depressed as a result of my inability to understand their treatment of me as an adolescent fully. I made two attempts at suicide as a consequence, and I eventually moved out of my parents’ house. (Former Student, 23, Rajshahi).

4.2 Social persecution toward the third-gender community

In Bangladesh, the third-gender population is often socially marginalized and excluded from mainstream culture (Jebin, 2018). The Hijra community encounters a multitude of societal challenges while pursuing their education. Hermaphrodite individuals are not accepted by society (Table 3). People persistently subject third-gender individuals to mistreatment and several sorts of prejudice in society. As a result, Hijra entities have considerable challenges in securing employment and integrating into mainstream society despite obtaining appropriate schooling.

Hijra people cannot move like other people in society. They feel uncomfortable sitting next to any other man or woman because they are considered taboo topics in society. When they go to school or any social gatherings, the people in the community are often scared, irritated, or hostile to them. As a result, they usually quit general society and join the Hijra community. Another Hijra participant explained the situation:

I faced many problems while growing up. Naughty children always bullied me. Sometimes, they would throw rocks or dust on me and misbehave. Even they bullied me in different manners every day. (Student, 29, Rajshahi).

Similarly, another Hijra partaker said this:

I am Hijra; it is known to everyone in my village. They harass me in various ways. I wear girls’ clothes to school and sit with the girls. When I go to school, they treat me differently, like an alien. (Student, 16, Rajshahi).

Based on their early behavior pattern, actions and views, society perceives Hijras as distinct from others in the community, considering them abnormal. That is why there is a pervasive skepticism toward the Hijra community. Another school dropout, Hijra respondent stated:

People have understood that I am a Hijra person by observing my behavior since childhood. Since then, people called me Half-ladies. (High School Dropout, 21, Rajshahi).

4.3 Economic problems related to lack of financial support

One of the substantial impediments to the academic achievement of Hijra individuals in Bangladesh is economic difficulties. The Hijra entities are typically stripped of their families, as previously mentioned. Hence, they encountered an economic crisis. As a result, they typically discontinue their studies. This affects their professional lives as they cannot get white-collar positions. Moreover, the Hijra individuals cannot obtain blue-collar employment because of the societal disinclination to provide them with any employment. Companies consistently demonstrate apprehension toward Hijras (Table 4). Consequently, the Hijra people resort to engaging in illicit labor. According to a respondent who was previously a primary school dropout:

My family did not support me because they were ashamed of me. As a result, I was compelled to become a member of the local Hijra society. Given that the majority of us are either illiterate or possess only a basic level of education, we were unable to secure suitable employment. So, we frequently solicit donations from local businesses or beg for money in various locations. (Primary School Dropout, 17, Rajshahi).

Based on the analysis of the above answer, it can be concluded that Hijras face financial difficulties because of being estranged from their families. They have several challenges when handling the expenses associated with their basic needs, such as food, living costs or education. Consequently, several Hijras accompany their mentors to the market to extort money.

4.4 Impediments in the field of educational endeavors

Hijras who attend school are often subjected to harassment from instructors. Even pupils in other classes bullied Hijra pupils often while at school. The teachers often feel uneasy with Hijra students in class and act in a discriminating or abusive manner. This may even escalate to sexual harassment in some instances. Hence, bullying and sexual harassment are not particularly unusual among Hijra people. When asked about the harassment that Hijra people encountered in schools, some horrific instances were brought to light (Table 5).

Hijra individuals discontinue their education because their peers do not accept them, and teachers behave incompetently. The instructors in the class are unwilling to provide them with the same level of help that they provide for other children. Also, Hijra individuals endure several forms of harassment from their peers at various intervals. Typically, peers are unable to accept those who identify as Hijra. Hijra individuals are subjected to varying treatment. Another participant offered clarification on this subject by stating:

The people of my school still do not know that I am a third-gendered person; I wear girls’ clothes to school. If they had known, they might have bullied me. I face many obstacles in continuing my studies every day. (Student, 16, Rajshahi).

The theme analysis in Table 6 illustrates the dynamics between Hijra students and their classmates, facilitating a deeper comprehension of the subject.

In addition to the themes mentioned above, Hijra students encounter several other daily challenges and forms of mistreatment, which deter their academic success. As a result, they drop out of school and engage in various delinquent activities. A school dropout Hijra participant shared a similar view:

I studied up to class eight. I left the school when my classmates started to comment negatively against me. My classmates would drop my books or laugh at me. It was very intolerable for me. (High School Dropout, 26, Rajshahi).

4.5 Facilitating agents in support of Hijra individuals

Bangladesh has struggled to establish a conducive educational environment for the Hijra population. Hijra individuals have several challenges in accessing quality education. Discrimination against Hijra individuals, negative attitudes, offensive comments from members of society, rejection by their peers and educators, banishment from their families and monetary constraints render them incapable of pursuing education. Despite being accepted, most students withdraw from elementary and secondary education. The main reason for this is the harassment from class fellows and the lack of teacher support in the classroom. The majority of Hijras have discontinued their education and instead accompany the Hijra gurus to the marketplace to earn money. Despite their challenges, several Hijra individuals persist in pursuing their education (Table 7).

Hijra individuals with strong mentality continue their education and overcome various forms of harassment and obstruction. Nowadays, some families are becoming very supportive toward their third-gender child, which makes the third-gender children more robust and confident and helps them grow. Another Hijra participant said:

I have continued my study to face my challenges. My elder sister supports me to continue my study. She always encouraged me (Student, 26, Rajshahi).

Nevertheless, sometimes, even a family that provides encouragement and assistance may not be sufficient. Owing to the prevailing financial crisis, several families cannot provide financial assistance to the Hijra children despite their desire to do so. As a result, Hijras face discouragement from their family when it comes to pursuing education. Moreover, although some Hijras get psychological assistance from their teachers, they do not receive any monetary assistance. They must independently handle their school expenses. A college-going Hijra participant discussed their employment and the financial burden of their education:

I got support from teachers mentally but not financially. I manage my educational expenses by arranging some dance programs. (Student, 21, Rajshahi).

In addition, on some occasions, their Gurus (a Hijra leader who supervises a limited number of apprentices and is responsible for providing guidance, supervision and support in many parts of everyday life) significantly aids them in completing their education.

5. Discussion

In modern culture, Hijra persons are often called hermaphrodites or third gender (Bouman et al., 2017). People who identify as Hijra frequently associate them with transgender people; however, the two terms are not interchangeable. The first group includes those who are unable to identify as either male or female at birth for medical or genetic reasons; this condition is known as a sexual impairment. In contrast, the second group includes people whose biological sex does not match their self-identified gender (Akter and Saha, 2024). Moreover, Hijra individuals are distinct from intersex individuals. Intersex individuals grow abnormally concerned with one’s biological sex, while Hijra individuals grow with mismatched sex characteristics, which let them be a third gender in society and the human environment.

A Hijra individual suffers mentally, physically, well and spiritually in many terms as the families of the Hijra people and culture are not ready to cordially accept them for who they are; thus, they harass them mentally and exploit them economically. Cultural and religious conventions in Bangladesh provide considerable obstacles to the integration and recognition of third-gender people, especially in the realm of academia. In Bangladesh, the conventional cultural standards are defined by a strict binary classification of gender that categorizes persons as either male or female. The binary outlook restricts the acknowledgment and support of third-gender identities, resulting in the marginalization and lack of exposure of those who identify as third-gender in society. Furthermore, Bangladeshi culture is deeply entrenched in conservative ideals, which prescribe strict gender stereotypes and obligations. Departures from these responsibilities are often seen in a negative light. This problem is made worse by the focus on family reputation and social standing, as having a third-gender person in a family may be seen as a cause of shame, leading to being rejected and excluded by both family members and the community.

Marginalization deprives individuals of the opportunity to exercise their inherent rights as citizens of a country. Owing to inadequate community support, marginalized persons often have limited access to the necessary resources for personal development and well-being (Al-Mamun et al., 2022). The Hijra community is subject to social stigma and often encounters harsh views from others. Marginalized persons have fewer chances than others yet nevertheless make significant contributions to society. Furthermore, in the specific context of Bangladesh, it is evident that individuals also suffer from a lack of self-assurance as they experience social isolation, both from their family and peers. In Bangladesh, the marginalization of Hijra individuals originates inside the family unit, where they encounter a dearth of psychological, economic, educational and acknowledgment-based assistance, among other challenges. Familial marginalization encompasses the act of discriminating between third-gender children and other children (Hossen, 2019). When a family becomes aware that their child identifies as Hijra, they typically fail to assume the responsibility of offering assistance in areas such as education, employment, health and other domains. As a result, Hijra individuals are left susceptible to societal challenges and cannot fully realize their capabilities.

Bangladesh’s Government established a policy in November 2013 acknowledging the Hijra people as a third gender (Hossain, 2017). The Hijra community faces persistent societal discrimination because of the non-acceptance of their physical appearance and behaviors as third-gender individuals, resulting in widespread animosity against them. Society often stigmatizes individuals of the third gender by labeling them as Hijra, as they see the term “Hijra” as derogatory and hold prejudice against them based on their appearance. Owing to societal disapproval, Hijra individuals often have a mostly aggressive character or often display their violent tendencies to others. As a result, they have acquired an unfavorable reputation, leading to limited employment opportunities and a lack of monetary self-sufficiency. Typically, as an outcome, individuals who identify as third-gender traditionally resort to engaging in illicit activities to get funds for their basic needs. This problem is attributed to society’s lack of sympathy in employing them and its failure to promote their admittance into any white-collar or blue-collar jobs. They also transmit this mindset to their offspring; hence, children also subject Hijra adolescents to harassment at educational institutions. The relentless cycle of hostility persists on both sides. Therefore, these sociocultural problems generate obstacles to third-gender acknowledgment.

Financial stability is essential in all aspects of life to fulfill an individual’s fundamental needs. Thus, financial issues pose a significant obstacle for third-gender individuals to achieve full freedom. Many families with children who identify as third-gender lack the necessary optimistic mindset to provide them with financial assistance, therefore hindering their ability to access fundamental rights such as education. Family members often have misgivings over the worthiness of the Hijra children. Usually, the family members of third-gender individuals tend to see investing in the education of their third-gender children as unproductive and lack the motivation to provide them with financial assistance. Therefore, a significant number of third-gender individuals either lack basic literacy skills or only get a fundamental level of schooling. Moreover, they experience embarrassment while sending their child to schools because of a lack of cooperation from teachers who are unwilling to educate third-gender children alongside other youngsters.

Besides, teachers often exhibit unsupportive behavior toward Hijra students and their families, leading to their exclusion from educational institutions (Syed, 2019). Hijra entities are often discouraged by others who assert that they would be unable to get employment or that pursuing education will not be beneficial, urging them to abandon their educational pursuits. Moreover, the teachers believe that interacting with youths who identify as third-gender will have an adverse effect on children who identify as cisgender (Islam, 2016). Owing to their apprehensions, some parents of third-gender children may choose to refrain from sending their third-gender children to school or providing financial assistance for their child’s schooling. This choice has profound implications, establishing a substantial obstacle to their child’s ability to get a high-quality education. Additionally, despite the determination of certain third-gender children to work and generate income to cover their educational expenses, they often face substantial obstacles to finding well-paying employment that matches their skills and qualifications because of employers’ reluctance to hire individuals who identify as third-gender. Occasionally, they are only employed for dangerous tasks (Roy, 2022). Frequently, teenagers who identify as third-gender encounter Hijra gurus and get involved in illicit activities.

In some cases, despite the monetary and emotional assistance that several households provide to their third-gender children for their academic pursuits, the school atmosphere fails to give the necessary support and collaboration for third-gender individuals to feel inspired and encouraged to study (Bouman et al., 2017). Individuals who identify as third-gender encounter several challenges, including instances of sexual harassment perpetrated by students as well as teachers, as well as bullying, disdain and negative responses from their instructors, fellow students and the families of their peers. Harassment of third-gender students is a prevalent occurrence. They are often derided as effeminate because of their physical features and mannerisms. They experience mistreatment, condemnation and harassment from their peers and older students at educational establishments. Furthermore, if individuals report these instances to the authorities, their complaints are often disregarded.

Individuals who identify as third-gender frequently feel alone and suffer from ongoing depression as a result of several circumstances. Consequently, the suicide rate among those identifying as third-gender in Bangladesh remains one of the highest. Research indicates that 32 to 50% of Hijra persons perished by suicide as a result of social marginalization, barriers to acceptance, lack of acknowledgment, hopelessness and several other difficulties (Faruk et al., 2023). Research done by Austin et al. (2020) revealed that 40% of third-gender persons had engaged in suicide attempts, with a notably elevated occurrence among young third-gender individuals on a global scale. According to another research, the suicide rate among third-gender persons in India is around 31%, with 50% of them having made at least one suicide attempt before turning 20 (Virupaksha et al., 2016). It is apparent what caused the problem. Although Hijra persons possess the knowledge and skills to be established in society, they encounter prejudice and endure significant psychological distress, which sometimes results in suicidal behavior. Therefore, it is essential to provide emotional support to third-gender persons. Their families, friends, teachers and society as a whole can create a nurturing atmosphere that enables them to flourish.

6. Recommendation to associate Hijra persons for the right to education

This research offers substantial suggestions for promoting constructive societal transformation, drawing upon its findings and discussions. These concepts aim to illuminate the social disparity between those identifying as third-gender and the broader population and provide strategies to alleviate this gap. The recommendations are as follows.

At first, the state should develop targeted initiatives to enhance community awareness and empathy toward individuals with third-gender orientations. This may be achieved by collaborating with local groups, legislators and media platforms to disseminate positive narratives and counter harmful stereotypes. To foster a sense of inclusion and security for students who identify as third-gender, educational institutions should establish designated safe spaces and support networks. Also, the government and non-government organizations must provide counseling sessions for families with Hijra members because these individuals are often abandoned by their family members in the initial stage of their lives. Family counseling may help in promoting the acceptance of Hijras as ordinary individuals by their families, fostering connections with those who identify as third-gender and providing emotional, physical and monetary support to them. This will help change people’s views of the Hijra people. Third-gender individuals will have a greater opportunity to reach their maximum capabilities if they are not subjected to neglect from their families and discrimination from society.

Furthermore, teachers, staff, parents and students must recognize and address the problems of individuals who identify as Hijra, a third-gender category. Seminars, symposiums and commercials should specifically focus on addressing the Hijra community’s problems. In addition, it is essential to participate in discussions and encourage comprehensive interpretations of cultural and religious principles by active involvement with religious and community leaders. To foster a more inclusive and accepting atmosphere, it is imperative to arrange workshops and seminars for those who identify as third gender, including teachers, religious leaders and activists. It is advisable to incorporate gender diversity education into the school curriculum to motivate students to critically evaluate societal norms at an early age. Also, government and non-government organizations should train teachers to teach third-gender children effectively in integrated classrooms, promoting equitable educational opportunities. To increase knowledge and understanding of Hijras, it is suggested that elementary school textbooks have a chapter or narrative about Hijra people. This will enhance the way Hijra is perceived. As a result, Hijra students who identify as a third gender will have a more direct and personally meaningful educational experience.

In addition, the government should ensure that every institutional form has the option to indicate the third gender. This would enable teachers to be aware of students’ gender identification, promoting their confidence and preventing any feelings of embarrassment over their identity. Educating students at home and school about the need to treat everyone with respect is important, making them feel valued and included. Furthermore, it is essential to establish explicit protocols to mitigate any bias or prejudice related to an individual’s gender identification throughout the recruitment process. All persons must adhere to the regulations to prevent any instances of harassment or discrimination against third-gender individuals. Additionally, the government must establish specific allocations for Hijra individuals in terms of higher education and provide financial aid only for Hijra (third-gender) individuals. Prospective students should possess the ability to seek further education to enhance their skills and contribute to the betterment of society.

In the end, it is of utmost importance to actively raise understanding and cultivate a nurturing atmosphere for children who identify as third-gender. Recognizing the presence of many gender identities, it is imperative to provide secure and inclusive bathroom facilities specifically designed for third-gender students to minimize abuse and guarantee their well-being. Furthermore, it is crucial to establish inclusive anti-bullying measures that safeguard all pupils, irrespective of their gender identification. These measures regarding privacy, dignity and adherence to legal and policy obligations should be implemented, guaranteeing everyone a nurturing and inclusive educational setting.

7. Conclusion

Hijras are acknowledged as third-gender individuals in Bangladesh. Despite Bangladesh officially recognizing the Hijra community in November 2013, the Hijra individuals continue to encounter several obstacles in areas such as education, health care, housing and societal acceptance. Currently, children who identify as third-gender continue to experience discrimination, harassment and bullying from their teachers and other pupils in the classroom, leading to their decision to discontinue attending school. Alternatively, certain households oppose their third-gender children from engaging in public activities or pursuing education because of the perception that it brings disgrace to the family and is a financial burden. Their ostracism within their family, educational institution and local society often pushes individuals to contemplate suicide. Therefore, the Hijra community in Bangladesh needs empathy, cooperation, assistance and appropriate oversight. It is important to increase awareness to enable them to live an ordinary life. Hence, providing high-quality education is essential, as it enables individuals to develop into valuable resources for the nation without imposing any financial or social burdens on society or the country. Through comprehensive education, individuals will develop the necessary expertise to get stable jobs, enabling them to meet their financial obligations adequately and have a generally prosperous life in their future careers. Nevertheless, Bangladeshi Hijras continue to be deprived of their right to education because of societal attitudes. Hijras face the many challenges listed above that prevent them from finishing their education. Therefore, it is necessary to implement both governmental and non-governmental interventions to address the challenges Hijra students face in accessing education. Instead of providing financial assistance to Hijras, society should collaborate with stakeholders to empower them as valuable contributors rather than see them as liabilities to create a more inclusive, sustainable and thriving society.

Figures

Figure 1.

Theoretical framework

Table 1.

Study participants and socio-demographic attributes of the participants (IDI: n = 20)

Characteristics	Methods	IDI Type-1: Those who are continuing their study (n = 9) IDI Type-2: Those who are already dropping out of school (n = 11)
	IDIs [n = 20, using male name = 9, using female name = 11]
Age in years (mean ±SD)	24.3 ± 5.2
Level of education (Hijra)
Primary/middle school (n)	14
High school (n)	10
College or more (n)	5
Family status
Lives with family (n)	6
Separated from family (n)	14
Professional status
Employee (n)	7
Involved with Hijra culture (n)	13
Religious identities
Muslim (n)	20

Source: Created by the authors

Table 2.

Thematic analysis of family problems

Primary codes	Key reflections	Quotes
Lack of acceptance	Hijras are dispelled from the family, and their family does not accept them	My family gave me support for my studies until they knew I was Hijra (third-gender). However, when they knew I was Hijra, they did not accept me. Moreover, finally, they stopped my educational support. They tortured me so much that I had to leave my home (Student, 26, Rajshahi)
Lack of moral support	The family discourages Hijra people from studying	When my father, brothers and sisters learned that I am Hijra, they said, “You are a Hijra person; what will you do after studying? You do not have to study.” So, my family has been discouraging me from my studies. My brother stopped all of my educational support (Student, 21, Rajshahi)
Lack of financial support	Hijra individuals are often denied any financial assistance from their immediate family	I did not get any support from my family for my studies. My family could not accept my behavior. That is why they used to torture me a lot. Therefore, I left home as I could not stand the torture (Student, 23, Rajshahi)

Source: Created by the authors

Table 3.

Thematic analysis of social persecution toward the Hijra community

Primary codes	Key reflections	Quotes
Discrimination and aggression in social aspect	Hijra individuals face discrimination and aggression from society	I was bullied when I went out to play with other children. Furthermore, I faced many obstacles when wearing a woman’s dress. Afterward, I changed my dressing style when I got school admission. Because society could not tolerate my dressing as a girl (Student, 23, Rajshahi)
Discrimination in job sector	Hijra entities suffer significantly from the lack of access to education, and they are also discriminated against from getting a good job	I completed my MBA long ago, but I have not gotten a job anywhere because of my sexual identity. I am a human; I have many expenses. If I do not get a good job, I will have to follow an illegal way to manage my costs (Former student, 26, Rajshahi)

Source: Created by the authors

Table 4.

Thematic analysis of economic problems related to lack of financial support

Primary codes	Key reflections	Quotes
Lack of earning source	Hijras do not have the opportunity to earn legally	The financial crisis is a significant problem for me in continuing my studies. I had to go to the market with the gurus (leaders of the Hijra community) to earn money. I never liked this job. But I had no other way to earn money (Dropout student, 23, Rajshahi)
Lack of help	Hijra people do not get help from the general people	I did not have any money to fill out the form at school. I filled the form with money from one of my fellow Hijra colleagues, Polly. I did not get any help from anyone (Student, 22, Rajshahi)
Poor financial condition	Hijra people often face financial difficulties, which affects their lives	I left my study and went to Dhaka due to financial problems. I went there and worked in a garment factory and a canteen. Afterward, when I had enough money, I left Dhaka and started studying again (Student, 26, Rajshahi)

Source: Created by the authors

Table 5.

Thematic analysis of impediments in the field of educational endeavors

Primary codes	Key reflections	Quotes
Harassment and abuse from the teachers	Third-genders often face harassment and abuse from teachers	The school teachers used to harass me excessively. One of the teachers at my school mistreated me (Former student, 26, Rajshahi)
Poor behavior from teachers	The teachers often discriminated against Hijra people	Teachers used to discourage me from going to school. On the last day, my school teachers kicked me out of school. They said, “Do not come to the school anymore. Other students cannot concentrate on their studies because of you. You are a Hijra person. What will you do after studying?” (Middle school dropout, 16, Rajshahi)
Lack of facilities	Educational institutions do not provide adequate facilities for the Hijra students	Hijra persons feel many problems using the lavatory. The boys would say, “You are a girl; you go to the girls’ washroom.” However, female students also felt uncomfortable if I used their washroom. So, I could not go to the girls’ washroom (Former student, 29, Rajshahi)

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Table 6.

Thematic analysis of interaction with peers in the classroom

Primary codes	Key reflections	Quotes
Existential crisis	Neither girls nor boys accept Hijra people as a part of them. They treat them as nonhumans	I could never find a good place to sit in class. When I sat with the boys, they would say, “You are half-lady; you should sit with the girls.” When I would sit with the girls, they would look confused (Former student, 26, Rajshahi)
Unsupportive classmates	The classmates often mistreat the Hijra children	No one will sit next to me if I sit in the classroom. If I missed some lessons in the class, then my classmates would not give me notes from that class. They constantly avoid me (student, 23, Rajshahi)

Source: Created by the authors

Table 7.

Thematic analysis of facilitating agents for Hijra individuals

Primary codes	Key reflections	Quotes
Impact of self-confidence	Some third genders have overcome all the obstacles with their confidence	I created a beauty parlor as a beautician when I was studying. I carry my educational expenses with my income from the beauty parlor (Student, 23, Rajshahi)
Emotional support from loved ones	Support from close family or friends encourages the Hijra entities to confront obstacles	My mother encouraged me to study from a young age. My family wants me to continue my studies. However, my family cannot support me because of financial problems. So I am working in a tailor shop now. I use the income from there to cover the cost of my education (Student, 22, Rajshahi)
Supportive Hijra guru	Some Hijra gurus are very supportive of the lives of the Hijra people	Our Hijra guru is very supportive of continuing our study. They understand that education is a part of human life. Our Guru encourages us to learn (Student, 23, Rajshahi)

Source: Created by the authors