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This study aims to assess the sociopsychological impact that Brazilian Jiu-Jitsu’s (BJJ) can have on the subjective wellbeing of practitioners.

Data was collected through face-to-face semi-structured interviews (N = 8) and were analysed using thematic analysis by taking an inductive approach.

Improvements in the wellbeing of practitioners can be made via focusing on specific known constructs which have previously shown to increase subjective wellbeing. They included the development of mental toughness, progression towards meaningful goals and/or healthy habits and behaviours and the forming and maintaining of positive social relationships.

The present work demonstrates the psychological benefits of BJJ practice on several psychological wellbeing targets, albeit in a modest sample size.

The heightened emphasis on mental wellbeing in the general population has added increasing pressure on mental health services (Steptoe et al., 2015; Diener et al., 2018; Johnson et al., 2018; Wicking & Dean 2020). Therefore, it is of theoretical and practical advantage to explore novel ways to help individuals with both their mental health and wellbeing.

The present study seeks to add to an emerging field of research which proposes that intentional activities such as BJJ can be integrated alongside traditional approaches to therapy in their promise to help those recovering from mental health issues.

It is now fashionable to suggest that the Celtic regions of the United Kingdom are the internal colonies of the central English state and that they have been, particularly since the rapid industrialization of the nineteenth century, subject to a penetrating anglicization of their culture and institutions. In terms of the internal colonialism thesis, it can be argued that the cultural nationalism of Scotland which was developed in the nineteenth century was an attempt to maintain the distinctiveness of civil society in Scotland in the context of massive regional economic imbalance. The Scottish intelligentsia, dominated by Edinburgh lawyers and Presbyterian ministers, can thus be compared with the intelligentsia of Third World societies undergoing a process of de‐colonization where separate cultural identities have to be preserved or, if necessary, constructed.

Human fulfilments are linked to human needs. The magnitude as well as the diversity of needs determines the probability of needs being fulfilled or unfulfilled. The degree of accomplishments also hinges on the time and the socio‐economic environments made available to satisfy the desired needs. Of the two factors ‐ time and environments used as a proxy for opportunities, the former being the most crucial factor is controlled by the creator and the latter by the creation. Here comes the role of the creator in so far as the human need fulfilments are concerned. Therefore, none, not even the nihilist can deny the presence of a super power, call it the God, the Almighty or the Nature that is in full control of time factor even though many of us tend to believe in the power of the creation to make use of time and environments in the way he likes.

Just what is the Conservative Government's industrial relations policy? There are usually two different sets of answers given by industrial relations commentators to this question, determined by their stance on the Government's general policies. The first line of argument is that the question itself is a contradiction in terms: the Government, by definition of its laissez‐faire economic philosophy, has no specific policy towards industrial relations. The content of national and locally negotiated contracts, in both the private and, increasingly, the public sector, must be the product of what the market can afford, and of a bargaining process that is unfettered by interference from external agencies. The free play of market forces must be the primary determinant of wage and price levels. Thus Margaret Thatcher and Arthur Scargill have at least one thing in common, that is, a view of free collective bargaining in which wages and prices are determined by the daily trial of strength between capital and labour. Indeed, the Government's employment legislation was placed on the statute book, so they tell us, not to strengthen the hand of the employer at the expense of labour, but because the state had been used by previous governments, Labour and Conservative alike, for the benefit of trade union growth, and not in its more traditional role as a guarantor of individual freedom and private property. Hence the Government must stand aloof from disputes like the recent miners' strike.