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This paper aims to investigate the multifaced aspects and consequences of the EU Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) from an Australia-China Relationship perspective.

This paper leverages the SWOT (Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities and Threats) analysis to examine both the internal and external factors that affect Australia and China in the context of the CBAM. In addition, we employ the PEST (Political, Economic, Social and Technological) framework to identify effective strategies for Australia-China cooperation following the implementation of the CBAM.

Our analysis reveals numerous mutual interests and opportunities for bilateral collaboration, despite challenges and threats, positioning the CBAM as a potentially significant catalyst for joint initiatives.

This paper proposes 10 potential areas for Australia and China cooperation from the political economic social and technological PEST dimensions.

This paper makes a pioneering attempt to explore potential strategies, both individually, and together, that Australia and China can adopt to manage the impact and consequence of CBAM.

This research aims to contribute to History of Education Studies as well as to New Cold War Studies, by examining a Reactor Technology Specialist Engineer program, launched in Hungary three times in the 1980s for Cuban nuclear engineers, graduates of the University of Havana.

The institutional setting, the content of the program, the teaching staff, the students, and the outcomes are studied. The factors that motivated the birth of this special program are examined, including the following areas; in what ways it was different from the courses in which foreign students participated in Hungary; what its strengths and weaknesses were; how we can learn from this past experience and what relevance it has for the present.

The analysis – carried out within the context of Cuban–Hungarian relations in the Cold War – demonstrates that these two satellite countries used the fields of science and education to widen their international possibilities and at the same time to reinforce their national interests by cooperating with each other.

The investigation is based on archival sources, university yearbooks and journals as well as contemporary Hungarian press. Written sources were complemented by interviews with Cuban students and Hungarian teaching staff, thus providing a personal perspective, balancing official views.

Misinformation can influence decision-making by fueling individual's belief, prejudices, and stereotypes. In the context of international trade, misinformation refers to the spread of false or misleading information and facts mostly with the malicious intent of maligning reputation of products, services, trade policies of a country and thus negatively influencing liberal trade policies toward that country. Stereotypes and prejudices fueled by misinformation coupled with economic nationalism and populism cast a dark shadow over the liberal international order. Exaggerated claims about unfair trade practices laced with stereotypes, prejudices, and misinformation can fuel tensions and may eventually lead to trade dispute and retaliatory action such as the imposition of tariffs or breakdown of trade blocs. Fake News, as a term, came into prominence recently during the 2016 US elections. The spread of fake news during the election generated remarkable interest among researchers. While most research focused on the effect of misinformation, a few studies have shown the influence of misinformation in changing trade preferences. The intricate connection among trading partners can propagate misinformation. Misinformation can lead policymakers to undertake protectionist policies. However, policies driven by misinformation, taken by major economies, can have strong rippling effects on other trading partners because of their strong network connectedness. Therefore, it motivates us to understand and evaluate international trade in terms of network statistics. This chapter provides an in-depth analysis of the network effects of some major and emerging economic powers involved in bilateral or multilateral trade agreements.

The trading expenses encountered domestically and across borders have a detrimental influence on global trade. Higher trade costs hamper trade and limit the benefits of trade liberalisation. The current research applies Novy's micro-founded trade cost measure (2013) to estimate global trade costs connected with Afghanistan, along with the factors that influence trade costs. Based on the investigation, trade in agriculture costs is significantly higher compared to the non-agricultural. As a consequence, focusing on agricultural trade facilitation would be advantageous.

Furthermore, enhancing and expediting trade facilities in trading areas are top priorities for government intervention to reduce trade costs. Focusing on free trade agreements and better shipment communication with trade partners increases transportation routes efficiently, cutting time and other expenses. The study proposes that the World Trade Organization's trade facilitation agreement be effectively implemented, administrative burdens at entry points minimised, non-tariff barriers (NTBs) be simplified and harmonised and soft infrastructures be established utilising current technologies.

This study, a perspective piece, aims to argue that one particular slice of political institutional operations – the conduct of international relations – offers a clue to the possible risks that businesses face from geopolitics.

The authors examine the various facets of international relations and diplomacy, including the processes and arenas, to show the relevance of statecraft for firms looking to minimize political risk.

By understanding the role of diplomacy and statecraft as a process, firms can better prepare themselves for events that have far-reaching ramifications. This is very different than minimizing risk from inherent geopolitical tensions and allows for a more flexible approach to understanding risk levels in the global arena.

International business scholarship has focused on institutions and their effects on firms and has recently begun to re-examine the role of geopolitics and political risk on firm performance and decisions. However, the current literature continues to have a superficial understanding of institutional processes and their impact on business, especially when it comes to the daily workings of political institutions.

This paper aims to use the obsolescing bargaining power (OBP) Model (Vernon, 1977, 1998) to analyze the case of United Company Rusal, a Russian politically connected multinational companies (MNCs) that was one of the world’s largest aluminum companies between 2005 and 2014, having acquired and, ultimately, sold the Montenegrin aluminum smelter company Kombinat aluminijuma Podgorica.The authors did so with the aim of answering the following question: How do geopolitics affect the bargaining balance of power between a Russian MNC and a host country?

The authors used the discourse analysis methodology to identify the key players in the bargaining process and illustrate the evolving bargaining process.

The authors demonstrated that, over time, the shift in power from the Russian MNC to the host government had not merely been the result of the increase in committed MNC assets in the host country but, rather, of a geopolitical chess game involving the Russian Government, North Atlantic treaty organization (NATO) and the European Union (EU). By extending the OBP model with geopolitics, the authors found that a political agenda can influence the outcome of a bargaining process.

The authors extended the OBP model to illustrate the complex interaction between an emerging market MNC and an emerging host country government, indirectly influenced by two supranational organizations – the EU and NATO.